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Тактика и вооружение самураев

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Jeffrey H. Mass. The Emergence of the Kamakura Bakufu // Medieval Japan: Essays in Institutional History. 1974

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Автор опять указывает, что в своей изначальной сути восстание Минамото в Канто - скорее локальный сепаратизм, чем претензия на верховную власть в стране.

Плюс - сходные смуты "по примеру старших товарищей" начали бахать и по другим окраинам.

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Опять же - т.н. "система воинского правления", со всеми этими сюго и дзито, в немалой степени была "системой власти провинциальной знати Канто".

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Jito land possession in the thirteenth century: the case of Shitaji Chubun.

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Опять к теме "кто такие буси". Чиновники на государственных землях и управители с сёэнах, которые умели владеть оружием и часто имели воинские свиты того или иного размера. 

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David L. Davis. Ikki in late medieval Japan

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Вот к этому вот.

На днях на "архивах" сканы выложили - The documents of Iriki, illustrative of the development of the feudal institutions of Japan. Тут

Там, кроме прочего, дан обзор - откуда сёэн Симадзу взялся и кто эти Симадзу вообще.

Дополнительно - Adriana Boscaro. 101 letters of Hideyoshi. The private correspondence of Toyotomi Hideyoshi // Monumenta Nipponica monographs №54. 1975 Тут

Пачка других томов Monumenta Nipponica monographs - тут 

Paul Varley. The Onin War: History of Its Origins and Background. 1967 Тут

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Это хорошая политическая история бакуфу Муромати с конца 14 и до войны Онин включительно. Не военная. Из "Онин-ки" переведено мало, военные действия выкинуты почти полностью. Насколько понимаю - числовые данные в "Онин-ки" баснословны, конные буси шляются мелкими группами в десятки тысяч всадников. Некоторое количество занятных тактических зарисовок в хронике есть (не в этой книге), но именно что горстка...

Еще занятный момент. Автор пишет, что Асикага Ёсимицу не только выстраиванием отношений с Китаем занялся (с признанием сюзеренитета и инвеститурой), он еще и властный дуализм сёгун+император хотел устранить, через породнение с императорской фамилией. Тогда его сын был бы главой бакуфу, императором и вассалом великой Мин. Было бы интересно поглядеть на результаты, проживи он лет на 20 больше.

P.S. Это не только его касается. Как повернулась бы династийная история Японии, если бы Иэясу помер бы году в 1590-м. Или Хидэёси в 1608-м, к примеру.

 

Minoru Shinoda. The founding of the Kamakura shogunate, 1180-1185. 1960 Тут

Jeffrey P. Mass. Antiquity and anachronism in Japanese history. 1992 Тут

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The Bakufu in Japanese History. 1985

Warfare in Japan. Edited by Harald Kleinschmidt. 2007 Тут

W.R. Wilson. The Sea Battle of Dannoura // American Neptune №28 (1968), pp. 206-22. Тут

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Lessons from History. The Tokushi Yoron by Arai Hakuseki. 1982 Тут

1391-й год. Формально - Ямана против Асикага, но есть нюанс.

Цитата

Ujikiyo petitioned the southern emperor [Go-Kameyama] for a commission to attack Kyoto [Meitoku War]. He was granted the right to carry the imperial standard of the Southern Court. Yoshimitsu summoned Ujikiyo, but he presented a letter protesting his innocence. On the twenty-third day of the twelfth month Ku’nai-no-Shö Yamana Ujifuyu left Kyöto, and on the twenty-fourth day Yoshimitsu summoned Yamana Yoshimasa, but he did not obey. Ujikiyo took up his position at Mount Yawatayama. Yoshimitsu summoned his commanders. On the twenty-ninth day Ujikiyo arrived at Yodo and Mitsuyuki took up his position at Taninodö. On the last day of the month Ujikiyo and Mitsuyuki forced their way into Kyöto but were defeated and Ujikiyo was killed in the battle (at the age of forty-eight). Mitsuyuki and Ujikiyo’s sons Sama-no-Suke Tokikiyo and Mimbu-no-Shö Mitsuuji were defeated and fled. Of Yamana’s soldiers, 879 were slain; on the side of the defenders, 160 died.

Цитата

On the fourth day of the first month of the third year of Meitoku (the ninth of Genchü [1392]) the Yamana fiefs were given as rewards to those who had performed meritoriously at this time. Yamashiro Province was given to Hatakeyama Motokuni, Tamba Province to Hosokawa Yoriyuki, Tango Province to Isshiki Mitsunori, Mimasaka Province to Akamatsu Yoshinori, Izumi and Kii provinces to Ouchi Yoshihiro, Izumo and Oki provinces to Sasaki Takanori, Tajima Province to Yamana Tokihiro, Höki Province to Yamana Ujiyuki, and Imatominoshö in Wakasa Province to Isshiki Akinori.

 

1399-й год. Оути против Асикага.

Цитата

In the winter of the sixth year [1399] Chichi’s rebellion occurred. On the thirteenth day of the tenth month Sakyö-no-Daibu öuchi Yoshihiro arrived at Sakai in Izumi Province, and from there he sent Hirai Shinzaemon on ahead as envoy to convey greetings to the shogun, Ouchi had a reputation for treachery, and although the shogun ordered “Iyo-Högen”, priest-official at the Shoren’in Temple, to summon him, he made some excuse and did not come, Ouchi called together forces from Izumi and Kii provinces, and from Tsukushi and the Chügoku region to his castle at Sakai. Kusunoki Masahide (Tarozaemon, who was Sama-no-Kami Masanori’s elder son) hastened to his support with more than a hundred mounted warriors, [the remnants] of the army of the southern emperor. Hizen-no-Kami Kikuchi Taketomo also sailed into Sakai Harbour. In Owari Province Ku’nai-no-Shö Toki Akinao, Suö-no-Kami Ikeda Akimasa, and Yamana Mitsuuji, the [second] son of the late Mutsu-no-Kami [Ujikiyo], were also reported to be in league with Ouchi [Yoshihiro]. Although Yoshimitsu sent Oshö Zekkai [Chüshin] to placate Yoshihiro, he would not obey. On the eighth day of the eleventh month Yoshimitsu arrived at the Töji Temple. On the fourteenth day he advanced to Yawata, and a total of thirty thousand warriors, including the troops of the Kanryö Hatakeyama Motokuni, Shiba, Hosokawa, the Yamana brothers, Kyögoku, Akamatsu, Kira, Ishidö, Yoshimi, Shibukawa, Isshiki, Imagawa, Toki, Sasaki, Takeda, Ogasawara, Togashi, Köno, and [Kitabatake], the provincial governor of Ise, marched on Izumi Province. 

At the hour of the Hare [6 a.m.] on the twenty-ninth day the battle commenced, and by midnight the strength of each side was exhausted, so they both retired. At this time Sashöshö Kitabatake Mitsuyasu was killed in battle. Toki Akinao and Ikeda Akimasa set out from Owari Province and arrived in Mino Province. Defeated by Mino-no-Kami Toki Yorimasu, they took refuge in Nagamori Castle. Yamana Mitsuuji set out from Hattanoshö in Tamba (on the seventh day of the twelfth month) and engaged the shogunate army. On the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month the castle at Sakai was attacked with fire on all sides. Yoshihiro was killed by Owari-no-Kami Hatakeyama Mitsuie. Kikuchi was also defeated and fled to Kyushu, and Kusunoki too was defeated. Yoshihiro’s son Shinsuke Mochimori surrendered. From this time, Hatakeyama Motokuni held Kawachi and Kii provinces, and Hosokawa was given Settsu and Izumi provinces.

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С одной стороны видно, что Хакусэки пользовался источниками. С другой - ... 

Число "тридцать тысяч" может быть просто не верным. Может быть указано не количество воинов, а количество "людей". Тех же землекопов и носильщиков. Теперь заходим с другой стороны - присутствуют отряды от целого стада самых могущественных сюго-дайме. Если при этом один сёгун выставляет десятую часть собранной армии - это мало?

Цитата

On the fifteenth day of the eighth month [of the first year of Engen, 1336] Kömyö was elevated to the northern throne (at the age of sixteen). On the tenth day of the tenth month the Emperor Go-Daigo returned to Kyöto. ... On the morning of the ninth, when Go-Daigo was on the point of leaving Hieizan Temple in secret, Mino-no-Kami Horiguchi Sadamitsu [a member of the Nitta clan] arrived in haste and deplored the step the emperor was about to take, reminding him, that 163 members of the family and 7,600 of their retainers had fought with Takauji and sacrificed their lives for [Go-Daigo’s] sake.

А в 1416-м опять

Цитата

He engaged the enemy, but forces from the provinces hastened up as reinforcements for Ujinori’s side to the number of 110,000.

1441-й год. Война Камакура-фу с центральных правительством.

Цитата

Yüki [Ujitomo], too, had surrendered on the sixteenth day of the previous, fourth, month, and Ujitomo and his son Mochitomo committed suicide, and with them their troops numbering several thousands were all slain

Когда Акамацу Мицусукэ зарубил сёгуна Асикага Ёсинори в том же 1441-м - с ним было три сотни воинов.

Цитата

Mitsusuke in anger placed three hundred men including Atsumi, Nakamura, and Urakami in hiding. Yoshinori arrived at the hour of the Hare [6 a.m.]. ... So Mitsusuke and his sons and three-hundred-odd warriors set out for their seat at Nakanoshima in Settsu Province, and here they buried the shogun's head at the Süzenji Temple.

Логично, что это было не все его войско, но и сюго-дайме не из последних. При этом с оценкой потенциала все было сложно еще и потому, что жестких служебных обязательств, которые бы охватывали всю территорию сюго-дайме, просто не было. Сюго-дайме сам не мог заранее знать - сколько он сможет поднять воинов против того или иного своего противника (восставший родственник или не-родственник, другой сюго-дайме или сам сёгун). Для сравнения

 

 

Цитата

[The Nanchö-kiden says:] “In the spring of the second year [of Eikyö, 1430] all the forces of the Southern Court in the provinces of Izumi, Kawachi, and Kii surrendered. ...

 

Война Онин.

Цитата

Therefore Yoshikado took counsel with his father-in-law, Yamana Sôzen, and Sozen immediately called up troops from his domains. Yoshikado also summoned the forces of Owari, Echizen, and Tötömi provinces and fortified himself in his mansion, building guard-towers and erecting breastworks of shields. The daimyos also summoned their troops from their provinces to Kyoto, and within the city there was complete confusion. 

Цитата

On the Hosokawa side were the forces of about twenty-two provinces, in all 160,000-odd men ... On the Yamana side were the forces of about twenty-seven provinces totalling 116,000 men: ... Thus from the sixth month on, the fighting continued every day. And everywhere within and without Kyöto was the devastation wrought by fire and sword.

=/

Цитата

From the first to the third month of the second year [of Önin, 1468], the armies of Hosokawa and Yamana fought in Kyoto, and their adherents fought one another in the provinces. ... In the fourth year [1472] there was continuous fighting in Kyoto. ... On the nineteenth day of the third month of the fifth year [1473] Uemon-no-Kami Yamana Mochitoyo Nyüdo Sözen died (aged seventy). On the eleventh day of the fifth month Ukyö-no-Daibu Hosokawa Katsumoto died (aged forty-four). From the first year of Onin [1467] until this year, in seven years of battles, the victory had not yet been decided and both commanders had died of illness. However, their surviving supporters continued the battle in Kyoto. ... From Onin [1467] until this year, the war had continued for eleven years. Then the daimyos went back to their provinces and made war on their neighbours, and the shogun’s power declined.

 

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Samurai and the Warrior Culture of Japan 471-1877: A Sourcebook. Edited and Translated, with an Introduction, by Thomas Donald Conlan. 2022

Хрестоматия "звезд с неба не хватает", мягко говоря. Но некоторое количество полезных переводов (большей частью - из материалов к собственным ранее вышедшим книгам) тут есть.

 

Selection from the Inryōken Nichiroku Concerning Guns

Цитата

Inryōken nichiroku 蔭涼軒日録 (Daily Record of the Inryōken), a journal kept by Kikei Shinzui (1401–1469), a Zen priest who occupied the office of Inryōken (scribe or secretary) at the Rokuon'in of Shōkokuji

Цитата

This diary entry was written by Kikei Shinzui, a monk at the sub-temple Inryōken, part of Rokuōnin, which was a temple in the Shōkokuji Zen monastic complex. Kikei was a close adviser to, and representative of, the Shōgun Ashikaga Yoshimasa.

Цитата

Twenty eighth day ... Ryūkyū officials arrived. After bowing three times, they left. Suddenly they provided us with souvenirs29. In an area outside of our main gate (sōmon) they fired a gun (teppō ichiryō hanasu). All the people who heard the sound were astonished. The king of their land is an old man30, but he sends many gifts and letters. We, too, send letters and are on good terms. The king is most thoughtful (ninjō no tsune). Someone with such fidelity is rare [nearby] but even rarer is some-one like this, who comes from a distant land, thousands or tens of thousands of leagues (li) away.

Цитата

29. Literally, hōbutsu, or objects from their locality.

Цитата

30. This statement is curious, as the commonly accepted King of the Ryukyu kingdom in 1466 was Shō Toku (1441–69), the last of the first Shō Dynasty, who was born in 1441. Most likely he is confused with his father, Shō Taikyū (1415–60), although the emissary could also be another Okinawan lord. Shō Toku led a campaign against Kikai Island in 1466 and was posthumously remembered, being the last of his line, as being cruel.

 

Observations from Hekizan Nichiroku

Цитата

In the following passages, drawn from his diary for the year 1468 (Ōnin 2), the Zen monk Unsen Taikyoku describes the importance of defensive tactics in the aftermath of the stalemate at Hosshōji.

Цитата

Eastern Army ... trenches are deep and their earthworks imposing; such strong defenses have never been seen, nor imagined before. A craftsman from Izumi Province came to their encampment and built a contraption (hasseki boku), which tosses stones and unleashes limitless destruction where it hits. It is called a . It is said that Li Mi of the Tang used such a such a contraption (kihasseki) to attack enemy castles ... Tsao Tsao of the Wei fired such stones to destroy chariots ... and in the military manual of Fan Li of Yue, rocks weighing 16 pounds (12 kin) were shot 250 yards (300 ho). The Izumi Province craftsman knows weapons (heiki) very well, but this is not new. 

Цитата

To the southeast of Rokuonin there is a military tower. It is 109 feet (10 ) tall, they say. It is just about as tall as the Shōkokuji pagoda. A myriad of small watch towers, high earthworks, and deep moats fully covered (shūsō jūjū) the region; the same holds true for enemy camps. Millions (okuman) of soldiers traversed this area. The encampments of Hosokawa Katsumoto, Hatakeyama Masanaga, Yamana Koretoyo, Akamatsu Masanori, and Takeda Kenshin were lined up and acting as support. Hosokawa Sanuki no kami Shigeyuki’s encampment was a linchpin of the defenses, and here at the Kushirōsō tower, it was well stocked with offensive weapons, including flying projectile fire spears (hihō hisō)39, which were also reportedly discharged from a besieged tower40. The open area in front of the fortifications consists of some ten acres41. In addition, the facing enemy camps of Yamana Sōzen, Hatakeyama Yoshihiro42, Tamadō43 Yoshikado, Isshiki Yoshinao, Toki Shigeyori, and Tatara44 Masahiro are set up the same.

Цитата

39. The meaning of this phrase is opaque. It could refer to a single weapon, or, perhaps, two; hihō could refer to stone catapults and to hisō, fire spears, which may be a reference to the early Okinawan guns mentioned in the Inryōken Nichiroku in 1466. Or this phrase may express a single weapon.

 

 

В Thomas Conlan. Instruments of Change: Organizational Technology and the Consolidation of Regional Power in Japan, 1333– 1600 // War and State Building in Medieval Japan. 2010

Цитата

Unsei Daigoku remarked, with remarkably little surprise or wonder, how on November 6, 1468, a hihō hisō, or literally a “flying projectile fire spear,” was discharged from a besieged tower. Unsei Daigoku’s nonplussed reaction stemmed in part from the antiquity of such devices and (in contrast to contemporary catapults) from their unimposing nature. Explosive shells (teppō) had been known in Asia since the thirteenth century, when the Mongol invaders of Japan used primitive bombs, composed of ceramic projectiles filled with gunpowder, in tandem with rounded rocks to terrorize the Japa nese defenders. These bombs should not, however, be confused with later firearms. Chinese sources refer to a primitive gun, known as a “fire dragon spear” (hiryūsō) being created in 1355, and the oldest surviving specimens are thought to date from the 1370s. 

Цитата

Archaeological evidence from Akenajō and Katsurenjō, two Okinawan castles (gusuku), reveals that guns were used prior to the mid- fifteenth century. Defenders supplemented the weakest point in Akenajō’s defenses with a portal especially designed for use by snipers, placed low in its stone walls. Furthermore, stone, earthen-ware, and on occasion, iron bullets have been uncovered within the battle-ments of Katsurenjō, which was destroyed in 1458 and never rebuilt. Primitive firearms composed of three metal tubes welded together, known as fire arrows (hiya), were widely disseminated in Europe and Asia through-out the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. Remarkably, some of these fifteenth-century hiya were fired as late as the early twentieth century, and they were reportedly capable of blasting projectiles for 200 yards. Most primitive firearms (hiya) discharged rounded stones, and intriguingly, data drawn from sixteenth- century military petitions reveals a sudden upswing in rock wounds, particularly in western Japan, which suggests the dissemination of the primitive firearms. Even though only a handful of cases where soldiers were wounded by rocks can be documented in the fourteenth century, rocks injured eighty-two men during the years 1524–1552, with over half (forty-four) occurring during the seventh month of 1552. The first documentary evidence describing wounds caused by firearms appears in Amano Okisada’s kassen chūmon of 11.27, 1527, where one man is listed as being “shot wounded” in the right foot. Documents submitted by Okisada six months earlier, on 5.13, 1527, refer to “arrow wounds” but refrain from the elocution of “shot wounded.” These suggestive sources can be corroborated with letters dating from 1569, which use the same verb (iru) to describe wounds infl icted by guns (teppō). The earliest documented example of a man being explicitly wounded by “firearms” occurs on 1.27, 1563, when Hara Rokurō, a retainer of Sugi Matsuchiyo, was shot near his left armpit by a “hand fire arrow,” or tebiya, by supporters of the Ōtomo in Northern Kyushu. Weapons known as as teppō can be first verifi ed on 11.13, 1563, when the Amako of Izumo province mauled the Kikkawa, wounding thirty- three by teppō, six by arrows, five by rocks, and one by a sword.

Тут можно просто отметить, что находки пуль или того, что полагают пулями, отмечены в 15-м веке для Окинавы, которая в указанное время явно не Япония. Надежные сведения о ранениях от огнестрельного оружия - 16 век. В общем - порох и пороховое оружие в Японии определенно знали задолго до португальцев, но говорить о сколько-то широком его распространении, похоже, не приходится.

 

Чтобы два раза не вставать. Adam Clulow. Unjust, Cruel and Barbarous Proceedings: Japanese Mercenaries and the Amboyna Incident of 1623 // Itinerario №31. 2007

Цитата

In addition to their ability to fill the depleted ranks of VOC armies, Japanese mercenaries possessed other qualities that appealed to Dutch officials. On average, a Japanese mercenary received 2.4 taels per month, or roughly 7.5 guilders, while a Dutch soldier of the same rank earned around 9 guilders. The Company was able to save additional money through the reduced transportation costs involved in ferrying recruits from Japan, rather than along the longer European route.

Economic benefits alone cannot explain the Company's sudden enthusiasm for Japanese soldiers. The Dutch, as indeed all Europeans who visited Japan, were struck by the ferocity of local soldiers. Once shipped to Southeast Asia, the Company's Japanese soldiers were equally impressive. The sixty-eight recruits hired by Brouwer in 1613 were pressed immediately into military service when fifty participated in the attack on Tidore, now part of eastern Indonesia. The campaign was a great success for the Japanese, vindicating the plan to employ large numbers of such mercenaries. One observer wrote that 'the Japanese soldiers show themselves as brave as our own [soldiers]. Their banner was first on the walls. Through their great boldness and fearlessness many were injured.'

Цитата

The Enckhuijsen, which sailed from Hirado on 28 February 1616, carried twenty-four long Japanese firearms (roers), forty-five swords and twelve spears. Fortuijn, which sailed on the same day with a contingent of Japanese mercenaries, also had in its hold forty Japanese firearms, eleven bows, three hundred pikes and forty spears. Not content with small arms, the VOC experimented

 

Adam Clulow. Amboina, 1623

Цитата

Of Specx’s fifty-nine new recruits, the most important was the captain or overhooft, Kusnokij Itsiemon (likely Kusunoki Ichizaemon), who was tasked with managing the Company’s new soldiers. In return, he was given a generous salary of eight taels (which was more than three times the standard pay for one of his charges), a generous advance of twenty-five taels, and the right to bring a servant, Rockoso, who was described in the contract as a jongen or “boy.”

Цитата

These included forty Japanese firearms (Jappanse roers), eleven Japanese bows, and forty-five Japanese spears of different lengths. The muskets were not cheap, costing a total of seventy-two taels, but they packed a powerful punch.

Цитата

Their [the Japanese] monthly salary is low and besides they can be maintained with a small cost of rice and salted fish. With the instructions that you gave me last time, we wanted to send three hundred men with this ship, but because more provisions would have to be brought, only 68 heads were shipped.

С ценой ружей в Японии не особо ясно. В Европе, насколько помню, типовая аркебуза стоила порядка 3 с небольшим гульденов, принадлежности к ней (ключ, пулелейка и далее списком) - еще примерно столько же. Тут цена эквивалентна примерно 5,5 гульденам. Если это "за ствол" - то определенно дорого. Если "с полным обвесом" - скорее наоборот. Но и "номенклатура обвеса" могла не совпадать ведь...

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Carol Richmond Tsang. War and faith: Ikkō ikki in late Muromachi Japan. 2007

Цитата

In the autumn of Tenshō 3 [1575], a Buddhist priest visited the military commander Oda Nobunaga during one of the latter’s campaigns of conquest. His temple had economic interests in the province Nobunaga had just absorbed, and the priest hoped to safeguard them by being on the spot. His diary of the stay mentions some of Nobunaga’s forces returning to camp after a “mountain hunt,” which usually referred to tracking wild boar, a common samurai pastime. This time they did not hunt wild boar or the like, however, and the priest noted a new definition of the term: “a mountain hunt means killing members of the ikki (league) and cutting off their noses to bring back as an indication of the number killed. Also, more than two hundred were taken alive and beheaded in the rice fields to the west of camp.”


The soldiers’ prey was human. In sixteenth-century Japan, rewards for warriors depended largely on the number and status of those they killed, and their commanders required proof. Noses sufficed as trophies from low-status enemies. In this case, the noses belonged to members of the Honganji branch of True Pure Land Buddhism (Jōdo Shinshū), whose leader, the Patriarch, relished the sect’s administrative, economic, and military independence, which Nobunaga sought to destroy.

Цитата

The followers that Honganji priests and Patriarchs attracted to the sect came primarily from families of lower status. An increase in trade and commercialization brought ordinary people into contact with religious organizations that offered them more support than the older Buddhist schools, which had joined the court and shogunate as centers of power. Amidism opened a way into Buddhism for less privileged members of society, especially because they needed less time or money to perform the rituals that Amidist sects required. The most important ritual consisted of chanting the nenbutsu, which could be done anywhere at any time.


Additionally, Pure Land and True Pure Land sects offered salvation to those whose daily lives prevented them from observing standard Buddhist prohibitions, like the one against taking life. This had posed a problem not only for warriors, but also for farmers, fishermen, and woodcutters, who killed animals and insects, sometimes inadvertently. Shinran’s teachings even allowed for a normal sexual life. Although mappō supposedly made it impossible for human beings to achieve enlightenment, Hōnen’s and Shinran’s teachings paradoxically opened the door for ever greater numbers of people to hope for salvation.


In spite of the common impression that Shinran’s and Honganji’s followers were mostly peasants, their earlier adherents were mostly lower-level warriors, artisans, and merchants. It is now thought that most of Shinran’s followers in the Kantō were not simple farmers but warriors, albeit non-elite ones (e.g., not shugo or shugo-dai). Outside the Kantō, core members of True Pure Land Buddhism were merchants, artisans, and workers, especially those in the timber, woodworking, mining, metal casting, and shipping industries, scholars believe. 

Занятно, этакий "буддийстский протестантизм".

Цитата

Amida’s promise took on additional importance after the middle of the eleventh century, when Buddhist priests calculated that the world had entered a historical phase called mappō (lit., the decline of the Buddhist law). Buddhism taught that history occurs in cycles called kalpa. Each kalpa begins with the birth of a new Buddha, which commences a phase in which Buddhist law flourishes, a kind of golden age. After the Buddha’s death, a new phase of the reflected law begins, during which it is still possible, but difficult, for people to follow the Buddha’s teachings and achieve enlightenment. After that phase comes mappō, the end of the law, which is characterized by disorder and natural disasters: famine, earthquakes, floods, wars, and so on. During mappō, human abilities degenerate such that no one can achieve enlightenment through his own efforts. Partly as a response to mappō, some priests sought other ways to approach religion and found Amida to provide hope. Hōnen taught that through worshipping only Amida, people could find salvation, that is, rebirth in Amida’s Pure Land. ... Shinran’s teachings came to differ from those of Hōnen in two ways that were to become central to the Honganji sect’s doctrinal and institutional development. ... Rather, members chanted the nenbutsu out of the gratitude called forth by Amida’s grace, and therefore even the chanting was a result of Amida’s power; in other words, of Amida.The only way to enter Amida’s paradise was to rely entirely on his power. Second, unlike Hōnen, Shinran believed there was no need
to follow the ascetic traditions of clerical life, such as maintaining celibacy.

Цитата

The third obstacle was posed by the older temples, such as Enryakuji in Kyoto and Kōfukuji in Nara, which viewed all the Amidist sects with suspicion. Although Hōnen, the founder of Pure Land Buddhism, and his disciple Shinran both began their religious careers at the Tendai monastery of Enryakuji, they ultimately found that temple inhospitable, even hostile, to their teachings.


Enryakuji characterized Hōnen and his followers as practitioners of the exclusive nenbutsu, “exclusive” being a derogatory term referring to relying not on a variety of religious practices but solely on Amida worship for salvation. The dismissal of all other non-Amidist practices implied that they were pointless, and even worse, it contradicted orthodox Buddhist teachings, which held that there were many paths to enlightenment. Thus, to the older schools the exclusive nenbutsu was more than misguided: it was heresy. At least, they had the basis for heresy charges, should they ever wish to bring them, which seemed to be whenever their own economic or political power was threatened by the new groups.


The first direct opposition to the Pure Land teaching came from Tendai monks at Enryakuji, who were initially satisfied after Hōnen instituted rules to minimize friction between his followers and others. Kōfukuji added its voice to the criticism of Hōnen’s teachings, and in 1207, some of his followers were executed by the imperial court. He and many of his followers, including Shinran, were exiled from the capital.

 

Насколько понимаю - в ходе смут 14-15 века большую часть храмовых земельных владений "поела плодожорка" в лице буси. Но на дела в границах храмовой ограды они особо не лезли. Автономия, зачастую - иммунитет от простого присутствия членов администрации на своей территории, свобода от налогов. Изначально-то это просто "мы не лезем в функционирование храма". Ну и обкладывать налогом мастеров или торговцев, которые обслуживали паломников - совсем как-то уже.

Цитата

Jinaichō temple towns followed a grid pattern, differentiating them from another kind of temple town, the monzenmachi (lit., town in front of a [temple] gate). Monzenmachi lined the streets leading to a temple or the paths along which religious festival processions moved. They evolved from the demands of pilgrims and festival spectators; by contrast, the jinaichō were constructed specifically to attract merchants.

Проблема в том, что на храмовых территориях к 16 веку местами разрослись настоящие города под юрисдикцией храма. С налоговыми привилегиями, иммунитетами, автономией от власти буси, правом убежища. Часто - с неплохими укреплениями.

Цитата

By the end of the sixteenth century, dues sent to Honganji temple from the temple towns amounted to the lion’s share of Honganji’s income. The towns’ significance in the history of ikkō ikki goes even further, however. Several ikkō ikki conflicts arose directly over issues of taxation and criminal jurisdiction in Honganji sect temples and jinaichō. As daimyo began to assert more control over their territory, they often summarily repudiated the towns’ exemptions. Such an action was behind the Mikawa ikkō ikki, a rebellion against Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616) in 1563. Furthermore, most of the temple towns in the capital region provided crucial military - in addition to financial - support to Honganji during its contest with Nobunaga, which itself was sparked by Nobunaga’s demands infringing on Osaka’s rights. Although the prevailing image of ikkō ikki puts rural villagers at center stage, the merchants and artisans of the Honganji sect’s temple towns belong there as well.

 

Эпоха войны Онин.

Цитата

As Honganji members well knew, when a warrior received villagers’ help in battle, he commonly granted them a reduction in a tax called hanzei.

 

Цитата

In 1477, the Kōfukuji priest Jinson lamented in his diary that, “The nearby provinces like Echizen, Kaga, Ōmi, Mino, Owari, Tōtōmi, Mikawa, Hida, Noto, Yamato, and Kawachi neither obey the shogun’s orders nor send in any of the rents. Aside from [troubles in] those [provinces], there is fighting in Kii, Settsu, Etchū, and Izumi, and so they also do not send in the rents.” He noted further that even the provinces under the shogun’s direct rule disobeyed his orders; elsewhere, in the rare cases when a governor tried to obey, his deputies and those under him would not. He ruefully concluded that, “the country of Japan completely fails to respond to orders.” 

О положении владельцев сёэнов из столицы. 1479-й

Цитата

Two years later, the courtier Konoe Masaie reported that his family’s holdingsall [existed] in name and not in reality.”

 

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      - Pamela J. Stewart and Andrew Strathern. Feasting on My Enemy: Images of Violence and Change in the New Guinea Highlands.
      - Thomas M. Kiefer. Modes of Social Action in Armed Combat: Affect, Tradition and Reason in Tausug Private Warfare // Man New Series, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 586-596
      - Thomas M. Kiefer. Reciprocity and Revenge in the Philippines: Some Preliminary Remarks about the Tausug of Jolo // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 16, No. 3/4 (JULY-OCTOBER, 1968), pp. 124-131
      - Thomas M. Kiefer. Parrang Sabbil: Ritual suicide among the Tausug of Jolo // Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Deel 129, 1ste Afl., ANTHROPOLOGICA XV (1973), pp. 108-123
      - Thomas M. Kiefer. Institutionalized Friendship and Warfare among the Tausug of Jolo // Ethnology. Vol. 7, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 225-244
      - Thomas M. Kiefer. Power, Politics and Guns in Jolo: The Influence of Modern Weapons on Tao-Sug Legal and Economic Institutions // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 15, No. 1/2, Proceedings of the Fifth Visayas-Mindanao Convention: Philippine Sociological Society May 1-2, 1967 (JANUARY-APRIL, 1967), pp. 21-29
      - Armando L. Tan. Shame, Reciprocity and Revenge: Some Reflections on the Ideological Basis of Tausug Conflict // Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 9, No. 4 (December 1981), pp. 294-300.
      - Karl G. Heider, Robert Gardner. Gardens of War: Life and Death in the New Guinea Stone Age. 1968.
      - Karl G. Heider. Grand Valley Dani: Peaceful Warriors. 1979 Тут
      - Mervyn Meggitt. Bloodis Their Argument: Warfare among the Mae Enga Tribesmen of the New Guinea Highlands. 1977 Тут
      - Klaus-Friedrich Koch. War and peace in Jalémó: the management of conflict in highland New Guinea. 1974 Тут
      - P. D'Arcy. Maori and Muskets from a Pan-Polynesian Perspective // The New Zealand journal of history 34(1):117-132. April 2000. 
      - Andrew P. Vayda. Maoris and Muskets in New Zealand: Disruption of a War System // Political Science Quarterly. Vol. 85, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 560-584
      - D. U. Urlich. The Introduction and Diffusion of Firearms in New Zealand 1800–1840 // The Journal of the Polynesian Society. Vol. 79, No. 4 (DECEMBER 1970), pp. 399-41
      - Barry Craig. Material culture of the upper Sepik‪ // Journal de la Société des Océanistes 2018/1 (n° 146), pages 189 à 201
      - Paul B. Rosco. Warfare, Terrain, and Political Expansion // Human Ecology. Vol. 20, No. 1 (Mar., 1992), pp. 1-20
      - Anne-Marie Pétrequin and Pierre Pétrequin. Flèches de chasse, flèches de guerre: Le cas des Danis d'Irian Jaya (Indonésie) // Anne-Marie Pétrequin and Pierre Pétrequin. Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française. T. 87, No. 10/12, Spécial bilan de l'année de l'archéologie (1990), pp. 484-511
      - Warfare // Douglas L. Oliver. Ancient Tahitian Society. 1974
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      - Leonard Y. Andaya. Nature of War and Peace among the Bugis–Makassar People // South East Asia Research. Volume 12, 2004 - Issue 1
      - Forts and Fortification in Wallacea: Archaeological and Ethnohistoric Investigations. Terra Australis. 2020
      - Roscoe, P. Social Signaling and the Organization of Small-Scale Society: The Case of Contact-Era New Guinea // Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 16(2), 69–116. (2009)
      - David M. Hayano. Marriage, Alliance and Warfare: the Tauna Awa of New Guinea. 1972
      - David M. Hayano. Marriage, alliance, and warfare: a view from the New Guinea Highlands // American Ethnologist. Vol. 1, No. 2 (May, 1974)
      - Paula Brown. Conflict in the New Guinea Highlands // The Journal of Conflict Resolution. Vol. 26, No. 3 (Sep., 1982)
      - Aaron Podolefsky. Contemporary Warfare in the New Guinea Highlands // Ethnology. Vol. 23, No. 2 (Apr., 1984)
      - Fredrik Barth. Tribes and Intertribal Relations in the Fly Headwaters // Oceania, Vol. XLI, No. 3, March, 1971
      - Bruce M. Knauft. Melanesian Warfare: A Theoretical History // Oceania. Vol. 60, No. 4, Special 60th Anniversary Issue (Jun., 1990)
       
       
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Higi Armed Combat.
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      - Myron J. Echenberg. Late nineteenth-century military technology in Upper Volta // The Journal of African History, 12, pp 241-254. 1971.
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      - Elizabeth Arkush and Charles Stanish. Interpreting Conflict in the Ancient Andes: Implications for the Archaeology of Warfare.
      - Elizabeth Arkush. War, Chronology, and Causality in the Titicaca Basin.
      - R.B. Ferguson. Blood of the Leviathan: Western Contact and Warfare in Amazonia.
      - J. Lizot. Population, Resources and Warfare Among the Yanomami.
      - Bruce Albert. On Yanomami Warfare: Rejoinder.
      - R. Brian Ferguson. Game Wars? Ecology and Conflict in Amazonia. 
      - R. Brian Ferguson. Ecological Consequences of Amazonian Warfare.
      - Marvin Harris. Animal Capture and Yanomamo Warfare: Retrospect and New Evidence.
       
       
      - Lydia T. Black. Warriors of Kodiak: Military Traditions of Kodiak Islanders.
      - Herbert D. G. Maschner and Katherine L. Reedy-Maschner. Raid, Retreat, Defend (Repeat): The Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Warfare on the North Pacific Rim.
      - Bruce Graham Trigger. Trade and Tribal Warfare on the St. Lawrence in the Sixteenth Century.
      - T. M. Hamilton. The Eskimo Bow and the Asiatic Composite.
      - Owen K. Mason. The Contest between the Ipiutak, Old Bering Sea, and Birnirk Polities and the Origin of Whaling during the First Millennium A.D. along Bering Strait.
      - Caroline Funk. The Bow and Arrow War Days on the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta of Alaska.
      - Herbert Maschner, Owen K Mason. The Bow and Arrow in Northern North America. 
      - Nathan S. Lowrey. An Ethnoarchaeological Inquiry into the Functional Relationship between Projectile Point and Armor Technologies of the Northwest Coast.
      - F. A. Golder. Primitive Warfare among the Natives of Western Alaska. 
      - Donald Mitchell. Predatory Warfare, Social Status, and the North Pacific Slave Trade. 
      - H. Kory Cooper and Gabriel J. Bowen. Metal Armor from St. Lawrence Island. 
      - Katherine L. Reedy-Maschner and Herbert D. G. Maschner. Marauding Middlemen: Western Expansion and Violent Conflict in the Subarctic.
      - Madonna L. Moss and Jon M. Erlandson. Forts, Refuge Rocks, and Defensive Sites: The Antiquity of Warfare along the North Pacific Coast of North America.
      - Owen K. Mason. Flight from the Bering Strait: Did Siberian Punuk/Thule Military Cadres Conquer Northwest Alaska?
      - Joan B. Townsend. Firearms against Native Arms: A Study in Comparative Efficiencies with an Alaskan Example. 
      - Jerry Melbye and Scott I. Fairgrieve. A Massacre and Possible Cannibalism in the Canadian Arctic: New Evidence from the Saunaktuk Site (NgTn-1).
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      - Фрэнк Секой. Военные навыки индейцев Великих Равнин.
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      - Daniel J. Gelo and Lawrence T. Jones III. Photographic Evidence for Southern Plains Armor.
      - Heinz W. Pyszczyk. Historic Period Metal Projectile Points and Arrows, Alberta, Canada: A Theory for Aboriginal Arrow Design on the Great Plains.
      - Waldo R. Wedel. Chain mail in plains archeology.
      - Mavis Greer and John Greer. Armored Horses in Northwestern Plains Rock Art.
      - James D. Keyser, Mavis Greer and John Greer. Arminto Petroglyphs: Rock Art Damage Assessment and Management Considerations in Central Wyoming.
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      - Thomas Frank Schilz and Donald E. Worcester. The Spread of Firearms among the Indian Tribes on the Northern Frontier of New Spain.
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      - James D. Keyser and Michael A. Klassen. Plains Indian rock art.
       
       
      - D. Bruce Dickson. The Yanomamo of the Mississippi Valley? Some Reflections on Larson (1972), Gibson (1974), and Mississippian Period Warfare in the Southeastern United States.
      - Steve A. Tomka. The Adoption of the Bow and Arrow: A Model Based on Experimental Performance Characteristics.
      - Wayne William Van Horne. The Warclub: Weapon and symbol in Southeastern Indian Societies.
      - Hutchings, W. Karl and Lorenz W. Brucher. Spearthrower performance: ethnographic and  experimental research.
      - Douglas J Kennett , Patricia M Lambert, John R Johnson, Brendan J Culleton. Sociopolitical Effects of Bow and Arrow Technology in Prehistoric Coastal California.
      - The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare. Editors Richard J. Chacon, Rubén G. Mendoza.
      - Walter Hough. Primitive American Armor. Тут, тут и тут.
      - George R. Milner. Nineteenth-Century Arrow Wounds and Perceptions of Prehistoric Warfare.
      - Patricia M. Lambert. The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective.
      - David E. Jonesэ Native North American Armor, Shields, and Fortifications.
      - Laubin, Reginald. Laubin, Gladys. American Indian Archery.
      - Karl T. Steinen. Ambushes, Raids, and Palisades: Mississippian Warfare in the Interior Southeast.
      - Jon L. Gibson. Aboriginal Warfare in the Protohistoric Southeast: An Alternative Perspective. 
      - Barbara A. Purdy. Weapons, Strategies, and Tactics of the Europeans and the Indians in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Florida.
      - Charles Hudson. A Spanish-Coosa Alliance in Sixteenth-Century North Georgia.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Why the Iroquois Won: An Analysis of Iroquois Military Tactics.
      - George R. Milner. Warfare in Prehistoric and Early Historic Eastern North America // Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 7, No. 2 (June 1999), pp. 105-151
      - George R. Milner, Eve Anderson and Virginia G. Smith. Warfare in Late Prehistoric West-Central Illinois // American Antiquity. Vol. 56, No. 4 (Oct., 1991), pp. 581-603
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      - J. Ned Woodall. Mississippian Expansion on the Eastern Frontier: One Strategy in the North Carolina Piedmont.
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      - Craig S. Keener. An Ethnohistorical Analysis of Iroquois Assault Tactics Used against Fortified Settlements of the Northeast in the Seventeenth Century.
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      - David H. Dye. War Paths, Peace Paths An Archaeology of Cooperation and Conflict in Native Eastern North America.
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      - Weapons, Weaponry and Man: In Memoriam Vytautas Kazakevičius (Archaeologia Baltica, Vol. 8). 2007
      - The Horse and Man in European Antiquity: Worldview, Burial Rites, and Military and Everyday Life (Archaeologia Baltica, Vol. 11). 2009
      - The Taking and Displaying of Human Body Parts as Trophies by Amerindians. 2007
      - The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research. Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare. 2012
      - Empires and Indigenes: Intercultural Alliance, Imperial Expansion, and Warfare in the Early Modern World. 2011
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      - Azar Gat. The Causes and Origins of "Primitive Warfare": Reply to Ferguson.
      - Azar Gat. The Pattern of Fighting in Simple, Small-Scale, Prestate Societies.
      - Lawrence H. Keeley. War Before Civilization: the Myth of the Peaceful Savage.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Warfare and Its Relationship to the Origins of Agriculture.
      - Jonathan Haas. Warfare and the Evolution of Culture.
      - М. Дэйви. Эволюция войн.
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      - The Ending of Tribal Wars: Configurations and Processes of Pacification. 2021 Тут
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      - Ian Armit. Headhunting and the Body in Iron Age Europe. 2012
      - The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. I-IV. 2020

    • Византийско-венгерская война (1163—1167) г.
      By kusaloss
      Помогите разобраться с  Сирмианской битвой пожалуйста. Пытаюсь разобраться с расстановкой византийского войска. 
      описание Кинама
      Затем, вооружив римское войско, он вывел его за лагерный ров и построил следующим образом. Впереди приказал он идти скифам и большей части персов вместе с немногими конниками, которые сражаются копьями; потом на обоих флангах следовали фаланги римлян под начальством Кокковасилия и Филокала, также Татикия и, как его зовут, Аспиета. В тылу их шли латники, перемешанные со стрелками, и тяжеловооруженная персидская фаланга; за этими с обоих флангов двигались Иосиф Вриенний и Георгий Врана, также брат последнего Димитрий и Константин Аспиет-Севаст. Далее следовал Андроник, бывший тогда хартулярием царя, по прозванию Лампарда, вместе с отборными римлянами, алеманами и персами; а позади всех – военачальник Андроник со многими другими знаменитыми мужами, которые, по обычаю, всегда находились подле царя, когда он шел на войну, и с наемными итальянцами и сербами, которые следовали за ним, вооруженные копьями и длинными щитами. В таком порядке римляне открыли поход.
      Описание хониата
      Тогда каждый вывел свой отряд и построил его в боевой порядок. Чело фаланги предводитель предоставил самому себе, правое крыло занял Андроник Лапарда, а левое - другие таксиархи, которых предводитель взял с собою на войну. В небольшом расстоянии от того и другого крыла он расположил в боевом порядке и другие фаланги для того, чтобы они могли во время поспеть на помощь утомленным легионам.
      Если воссаздать картину обрисованную кинамом дословно, у меня получается следующее. 
      впереди идут турки и половцы. за ними с немного выдвинутыми флангами идет конница византийцев и в центр отставая от этих флангов составлен из турок и пехоты, вперемешку с стрелками. упоминаемых кинамом латников я счел за пехоту,  войско составляла 15000 человек приблизительно и в таком значительном войске должен был быть значительный пехотный контингент, но он мог бы обозначить пехоту словом латники? С одной стороны сочетание тяжелой пехоты и лучников звучит логично но могла бы под латниками подразумеваться тяжелая конница? учитывая что он больше для обозначения конницу нигде латников не упоминает и как вообще это слово звучит в греческом оригинале? затем по флангом следует конница , на правом фланге у лампарды дополнительный резерв конницы и в центре варяжская гвардия с контингентом итальянской и сербской пехоты.
      набросок на картинке. 

    • Пушки на палубах. Европа в 15-17 век.
      By hoplit
      Tullio Vidoni. Medieval seamanship under sail. 1987.
      Richard W. Unger. Warships and Cargo Ships in Medieval Europe. 1981.
      Dotson J.E. Ship types and fleet composition at Genoa and Venice in the early thirteenth century. 2002.
      John H. Pryor. The naval battles of Roger of Lauria // Journal of Medieval History (1983), 9:3, 179-216
      Lawrence Mott. The Battle of Malta, 1283: Prelude to a Disaster // The Circle of war in the middle ages. 1999. p. 145-172
      Charles D. Stanton. Roger of Lauria (c. 1250-1305): "Admiral of Admirals". 2019
      Mike Carr. Merchant Crusaders in the Aegean, 1291–1352. 2015
       
      Oppenheim M. A history of the administration of the royal navy and of merchant shipping in relation to the navy, from MDIX to MDCLX. 1896.
      L. G. C. Laughton. The Square-Tuck Stern and the Gun-Deck. 1961.
      L.G. Carr Laughton. Gunnery, Frigates and the Line of Battle. 1928.
      M.A.J. Palmer. The ‘Military Revolution’ Afloat: The Era of the Anglo-Dutch Wars and the Transition to Modern Warfare at Sea. 1997.
      R. E. J. Weber. The Introduction of the Single Line Ahead as a Battle Formation by the Dutch 1665 -1666. 1987.
      Kelly DeVries. The effectiveness of fifteenth-century shipboard artillery. 1998.
      Geoffrey Parker. The Dreadnought Revolution of Tudor England. 1996.
      A.M. Rodger. The Development of Broadside Gunnery, 1450–1650. 1996.
      Sardinha Monteiro, Luis Nuno. Fernando Oliveira's Art of War at Sea (1555). 2015.
      Rudi Roth. A proposed standard in the reporting of historic artillery. 1989.
      Kelly R. DeVries. A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery. 1990.
      J. D. Moody. Old Naval Gun-Carriages. 1952.
      Michael Strachan. Sampson's Fight with Maltese Galleys, 1628. 1969.
      Randal Gray. Spinola's Galleys in the Narrow Seas 1599–1603. 1978.
      L. V. Mott. Square-rigged great galleys of the late fifteenth century. 1988.
      Joseph Eliav. Tactics of Sixteenth-century Galley Artillery. 2013.
      John F. Guilmartin. The Earliest Shipboard Gunpowder Ordnance: An Analysis of Its Technical Parameters and Tactical Capabilities. 2007.
      Joseph Eliav. The Gun and Corsia of Early Modern Mediterranean Galleys: Design issues and rationales. 2013.
      John F. Guilmartin. The military revolution in warfare at sea during the early modern era: technological origins, operational outcomes and strategic consequences. 2011.
      Joe J. Simmons. Replicating Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Ordnance. 1992.
      Ricardo Cerezo Martínez. La táctica naval en el siglo XVI. Introducción y tácticas. 1983.
      Ricardo Cerezo Martínez. La batalla de las Islas Terceras, 1582. 1982.
      Ships and Guns: The Sea Ordnance in Venice and in Europe between the 15th and the 17th Centuries. 2011.
      W. P. Guthrie. Naval Actions of the Thirty Years' War // The Mariner's Mirror, 87:3, 262-280. 2001
      Steven Ashton Walton. The Art of Gunnery in Renaissance England. 1999
       L.G.Carr Laughton & Michael Lewis. Early Tudor Ship Guns // The Mariner's Mirror, 46:4 (1960), 242-285
       
      A. M. Rodger. Image and reality in eighteenth-century naval tactics. 2003.
      Brian Tunstall. Naval Warfare in the Age of Sail: The Evolution of Fighting Tactics, 1650-1815. 1990.
      Emir Yener. Ottoman Seapower and Naval Technology during Catherine II’s Turkish Wars 1768-1792. 2016.
       
      Боевые парусники уже в конце 15 века довольно похожи на своих потомков века 18. Однако есть "но". "Линейная тактика", ассоциируемая с линкорами 18 века - это не про каракки, галеоны, нао и каравеллы 16 века, она складывается только во второй половине 17 столетия. Небольшая подборка статей и книг, помогающих понять - "что было до".
       
      Ещё пара интересных статей. Не совсем флот и совсем не 15-17 века.
      Gijs A. Rommelse. An early modern naval revolution? The relationship between ‘economic reason of state’ and maritime warfare // Journal for Maritime Research, 13:2, 138-150. 2011.
      N. A.M. Rodger. From the ‘military revolution’ to the ‘fiscal-naval state’ // Journal for Maritime Research, 13:2, 119-128. 2011.
      Morgan Kelly and Cormac Ó Gráda. Speed under Sail during the Early Industrial Revolution (c. 1750–1830) // Economic History Review 72, no. 2 (2019): 459–80.