Халифат против Китая в Средней Азии

[andy4675 65]

О битве Аббасидов с китайцами на реке Талас (751 год).

Ибн ал-Асир. Ал-Камил фи-т-та’рих

Затем наступил год сто тридцать третий
(9.08.750. – 29.07.751.)
Рассказ о некоторых событиях¹ . . . В этом [году] ихшид Ферганы и царь аш-Шаша вступили в противоречие, ихшид попросил помощи у царя Китая и тот поддержал его стами тысяч воинов, не отказав ему [в этом]. Они осадили царя аш-Шаша и он вышел, [сдавшись] на милость царя Китая. [Царь Китая] не стал причинять зла ему и его людям. Это известие дошло до Абу Муслима² и он отправил против них Зийада ибн Салиха³. Они встретились у реки Тараз⁴, мусульмане одержали победу над ними, убили из них около пятидесяти тысяч и взяли в плен около двадцати тысяч, а остальные бежали в Китай. Это событие произошло в [месяце] зу-л-хиджжа [сто] тридцать третьего года⁵.

КОММЕНТАРИИ И ПРИМЕЧАНИЯ
Год 133
1. Начало этого фрагмента совпадает с текстом ат-Табари. См.: Аt-Таbari. Annales, ser.III, p. 74; История ат-Табари. С. 347 – 348.
2. Абу Муслим – глава ‘Аббасидского движения в Хорасане (128 – 131/745 – 748 гг.), верховный военачальник ‘Аббасидов и их наместник в Хорасане до 137/755 г., когда был убит по приказу халифа ал-Мансура.
3. Зийад ибн Салих – накиб Абу Муслима; военачальник, подавивший восстание Шарика ибн Шайха ал-Махри (133/751 г.); наместник Самарканда.
4. Тараз – средневековый город, расположенный недалеко от совр. Джамбула. См.: Сенигова Т.Н. Средневековый Тараз. С. 20 – 25.
5. Месяц зу-л-хиджжа 133 г.х. соответствует июню 751 г.

Новая Кембриджская История Ислама, том 1, Чейз Робинсон, 2011 год издания:

The east: Transoxania and Sind

In the eastern reaches of the caliphate, the Marwanids expanded primarily on two fronts: in Transoxania in the north east and Sind in the south east. These two fronts were separated by a third region of conflict, comprising Sıstan and neighbouring Zabulistan, which never yielded to Umayyad attempts to control it. Indeed, in 727, its ruler, the zunbıl, annihilated a Muslim army in the region, including its commander. The region, with its imposing deserts and mountains, remained a glaring exception to Marwanid imperial success.¹⁸ In the north east, Khurasan served as the base for the conquest of Transoxania, including the rich trading cities of Sogdia, and for attempts to subjugate the Turkish Türgesh confederation that dominated the region.¹⁹ Al-Walıd’s governor of Khurasan, Qutayba ibn Muslim, was responsible for some of the most signifcant early conquests into Transoxania, thanks largely to his close (if not always warm) cooperation with al-Hajjaj. Starting in 705, Qutayba subjugated much of Tukharistan, capturing Balkh, Amul and Bukhara by 709. Nearby Samarqand remained unconquered, but paid Qutayba tribute. The next few years were years of consolidation, with mopping up campaigns in Tukharistan (whose ruler, the jabghu, was sent to Damascus as a trophy). As in North Africa and the Caucasus, local levies
played an important role in furthering the conquests for a caliphate that was finding itself overstretched. By 712 the rear position of Khwarazm had been conquered and colonised, allowing Qutayba to return in force to Transoxania, capturing Samarqand outright and establishing a garrison there.
A more prudent commander would have stopped to strengthen his hold over these newly conquered territories. But Qutayba pressed on, leaving much of Sogdia unsubdued, and headed for the lands across the Jaxartes. While his Iranian troops subdued Shash, Qutayba pushed into Farghana. To the rear, however, the local princes of Sogdia took advantage of Qutayba’s preoccupations far to the east, and called out for aid to rid them of Muslim rule. They first appealed to the Türgesh khaqan without success, and then to the Chinese emperor. As a result, in 713 Qutayba (or al-Hajjaj) was likewise obliged to open negotiations with the Chinese emperor to make his claims.
According to Chinese sources, the Muslim embassy was favourably received despite the fact that the ambassadors refused to kow tow before the emperor.²⁰
The raids into the Jaxartes provinces recommenced, with the outright conquest of Farghana the clear goal. But the death of al-Hajjaj in 714 and

¹⁸ On Sıstan in early Islamic times, see C. E. Bosworth, Sıstan under the Arabs, from the Islamic conquest to the rise of the Salarids (30 250/651 864) (Rome, 1968).
¹⁹ On Umayyad expansion in the north east, see H. A. R. Gibb, The Arab conquests in Central Asia (London, 1923); and M. A. Shaban, The Abbasid revolution (Cambridge, 1971).
²⁰ On Muslim embassies to China, see E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou Kiue (Turcs) occidentaux (St. Petersburg, 1903); and H. A. R. Gibb, ‘Chinese records of the Arabs in Central Asia’, BSOAS, 2 (1922); Zhang Jun yan, ‘Relations between China and the Arabs in early times’, Journal of Oman Studies, 6 (1983).

then of al Walıd in 715 prevented any such activity. Later in 715, unwilling to relinquish command to any new governor that the new caliph, Sulayman, might send, Qutayba revolted. But he had misjudged his own men, who turned on him, and killed him in Farghana. Sulayman ordered these troops to be immediately withdrawn to Marw, where they were disbanded. As it would happen, Qutayba’s death marked the end of Umayyad expansion in the north east. When qUmar II took power he ordered the garrisons in Transoxania disbanded, but he died before they were obliged to obey. Trouble for the Muslim garrisons continued as the local princes of the region were increas
ingly restless and sent many embassies appealing to the Chinese emperor or his Türgesh vassals for aid. The Chinese never became directly involved in Transoxanian a!airs, but the Türgesh were not shy. In 720 they came to the aid of some Sogdian rulers and marched on Samarqand, but this only elicited a Muslim counter attack, which routed the Türgesh and recaptured all of Sogdia. Under Yazıd II, raiding into Transoxania culminated in the ‘Day of Thirst’ (724), a debacle from which the Muslims of the north east never fully recovered. Thenceforth the Muslims were on the defensive, their hold on lands east of the Oxus shaky. The Türgesh raided across into Khurasan and local populations rose in revolt, even in long subdued locales such as Khwarazm. In 731 a further blow came at the battle of the Pass, in which the Muslims barely managed to fend o! a joint Türgesh Sogdian assault on Samarqand. To make matters worse, in 734 a pious and battle scarred veteran named al-Harith ibn Surayj revolted against what he perceived to be Marwanid iniquities in the province. After capturing Balkh he and his Khurasanı followers were forced to retreat into Tukharistan, and from there he joined the side of the Türgesh khaqan. In 737 the Türgesh and their new allies renewed their attacks, launch ing raids into Transoxania, Tukharistan, and even Khurasan itself. But this time, at the battle of Kharıstan, the Muslims were prepared and, with help from Iranian allies, they captured the khaqan’s encampment, and the Türgesh were thrown into confusion and fled. Al-Harith escaped to Shash, but later a second attempt at rebellion on his part ended in his death. In 738 the khaqan
was assassinated and the Türgesh confederation dissolved amidst internal rivalries. While this put an end to any further threat from the Türgesh to the Muslims, it also removed the only bufer in Central Asia between the Muslim caliphs and the Chinese emperors.
In the same year Nasir ibn Sayyar was named governor of Khurasan; he would be the last Umayyad governor of the province. An old Khurasan hand, Nasir seems to have been well liked by locals, and he did his best to remain above tribal factionalism in the army. In 741 he launched a campaign on Shash, and passed through but did not formally conquer the region of Ushrusana, and raided into Farghana, where the local king agreed to pay tribute. In 744, in recognition of the new political situation between them, Nasir sent a huge delegation to China, including representatives of many of the local princes of Transoxania and Tukharistan. As the caliphate slipped into civil war, then, it seemed as if the Umayyads would !nally have the success they had sought in the north east, with a subjugated Transoxania, an expanding frontier of
influence, a respected governor and a relatively calm population.
In the south east, the Marwanids experienced equally spectacular successes and failures as their armies consolidated their hold on Sind and, briefly, extended their conquests into India.²¹ At the death of qAbd al Malik Sind was still unconquered, a largely Hindu kingdom with a Buddhist minority ruled by a monarch named Dahir from his capital, Daybul. In 711, however, al-Hajjaj appointed Muh.ammad ibn Qasim al Thaqafı at the head of a large body of Syrian troops over the district of Makran, entrusting him with the task of extending Marwanid rule into Sind. By the time of his death three years later, Marwanid rule extended over the lower Indus Valley and even beyond.
Resistance was fiercest at Daybul, which fell after a few months of siege, in 711. The king, Dahir, was later killed in battle near Rawar, and the country was opened to Marwanid conquest.
Still, control of these distant lands stretched the abilities of the caliphate, and for most of the Marwanid period the Indus river formed the border between the western lands of Sind under Marwanid control and eastern lands in, at best, a tributary relationship. In 723 the Qaysı commander Junayd ibn Abd al Rah.man al Murrı was named governor, and he extended Marwanid control east of the Indus for the frst time, securing Daybul and subduing rebellious princes by 724. He then embarked on extensive campaigns in the wealthy lands of north west India, Rajasthan and Gujarat, but information on the precise locales involved, not to mention the chronology, is very unclear.²² But whatever the case, these conquests, even Daybul, were soon lost, perhaps a result of local rebellions against attempts at Muslim rule. Some time in the 730s two new forward positions were established at al-Mahfuz.a and al-Mansura, near Brahmanabad. These were to serve as

²¹ On Sind, see Francesco Gabrieli, ‘Muh.ammad ibn Qasim ath Thaqafı and the Arab conquest of Sind’, East and West, n.s., 15 (1964 5); and Derryl N. Maclean, Religion and society in Arab Sind (Leiden, 1989).
²² Blankinship provides a convincing reconstruction: Jihad state, pp. 1314, 1479, 18690, 2023.

bases from which to consolidate Muslim rule over Sind and to relaunch conquests into India: many lands in Gujarat that had been lost earlier were now recaptured, and even Kashmir appears to have been threatened. By 739 Marwanid armies ranged as far south as Navasarika in southern Gujarat, the furthest into India the Umayyads would ever go. It was not to last. After the Muslim defeat at Navasarika a new governor arrived in 740, the son of the great conqueror Muh.ammad ibn Qasim. But an alliance of local princes revolted against the Muslims, rolling back definitively the conquests east of the Indus and besieging the governor at al-Mansura. New troops arrived to crush the rebellious Sindıs, but, as the constant see sawing of conquests in the area suggests, the Marwanids had reached the limits of their expansion.

[Lion 20]

Мистр Энди, скажите пожалуйста, что может означать подобная ссылка из античной литературы "Phil XI 6", "Sen. Suas. I 7;" "Gell. III 9, 4;"?

П.С. Личка кажется не работает

Изменено 9 ноя 2014 пользователем Lion

[Saygo 582]

"Phil XI 6", "Sen. Suas. I 7;" "Gell. III 9, 4;"

Если не вдаваться в подробности, то Филон Александрийский, Сенека Старший ("Суазории"), Авл Геллий.

Но если перед Phil. вы пропустили Cic. - это "Филиппики" Цицерона. Он в этом списке смотрится логичнее.