Чжан Гэда

Системы организации огня пехоты.

146 сообщений в этой теме

Хорошего словаря (типа Мюллера) нет, а в Интернет-словарях что rank, что file - переводят и "ряд", и "шеренга", хотя шеренга и ряд - не одно и то же.

Вот тут описываются разные способы, но из-за того, что непонятно, что есть rank, и что есть file, разобраться очень сложно.

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5 часов назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Хорошего словаря (типа Мюллера) нет, а в Интернет-словарях что rank, что file - переводят и "ряд", и "шеренга", хотя шеренга и ряд - не одно и то же.

file - ряд.

rank - шеренга.

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Буду нудным - это точно?

Это по приличному словарю или по Интернет-словарям, которые часто брешут?

Иначе сложно понимать, что почем. Слов 2, и от их комбинации многое зависит. 

 

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16 минуту назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Буду нудным - это точно?

Это по приличному словарю или по Интернет-словарям, которые часто брешут?

Иначе сложно понимать, что почем. Слов 2, и от их комбинации многое зависит. 

Это, к примеру, из А.Жмодикова. А так - в литературе по периоду эти термины употребляются именно так. Мануалы и т.д.

На 18-19 века - точно так. На 17 и ранее - уже не так уверен. 

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Постоянно теряю. Наказ царя Алексея Михайловича воеводе Ю.А. Долгорукому в 1660-м году.

Записки отделения русской и славянской археологии Русского археологического общества, т. II, Спб., 1861, стр. 763-5.

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20 саженей - менее 45 метров.

10 саженей - чуть менее 22 метров. 

3 сажени - чуть более 6,5 метров.

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Никоновская летопись. ИМХО, как описание именно сражения при Ворскле в 1399-м, не стоит почти ничего. Слишком много деталей, которых нет в более ранних текстах, а предполагать некие "несохранившиеся источники" - проблематично. По крайней мере, насколько понимаю, специалисты как раз полагают, что из значимых летописных сводов эпохи до нас дошло "почти все в неплохой сохранности".

А вот как описание реалий первой половины 16 века - интересно.

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ИМХО, но описано поражение восточно-европейского войска, действующего с опорой на табор, от татар. Пушки и пищали описаны в связке с боевыми возами. Указано, что "в чистом поле" они не действенны. Можно понять, что вооруженные ими воины действовали как раз из "табора".

Действовала ли вне табора пехота - не ясно, прямых указаний на нее нет, а при описании обстрела указано, что татары "подстреляша под ними кони".

Конная часть рати оторвалась от "табора", после чего была окружена и разбита татарами. Дальше татары взяли и сам табор. 

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Кстати, интересный вопрос - к концу XVIII в. построения пехоты становятся 3-4 шереножными. А что было у нас по динамике изменения количества шеренг? 

Т.е. у Петра I еще были построения в 6-8 шеренг, а в Европе? И как в 1735-1739 гг. в России?

И пикинеры - в 1708 г. Петр I их вновь вводит в русской армии, а когда отменяет? Я нашел только у Татарникова упоминание, что пики в 1711 г. в Прутском походе в бою у Стэнилешти распилили для создания рогаток. И он же указывает, что в 1723 г. не все полки создали нужные комплекты вооружения пикинера (пики и пистолеты).

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22 часа назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Т.е. у Петра I еще были построения в 6-8 шеренг, а в Европе?

Сначала 6, потом (уже в первые годы СВ) в 4. В Европе - по разному. Англичане уже перешли на три, французы - на 5, потом на 4. Большая часть немцев, емнип, 4. При этом те же 6 шеренг, когда их использовали, могли сдваивать для стрельбы в три.

К середине 18 века в большей части армий - 4 шеренги, в некоторых - три. Во второй половине века (Семилетка и после нее) - массово переходят на три шеренги, иногда - две.

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У Паркера

Цитата

Martin de Eguiluz, Milicia, discurso y regla militar (Madrid, 1592, but written in 1586), fos. 126V-7V, noting that after four rounds an arquebus overheated and could no longer be used accurately

 

Вот эта часть Martin de Eguiluz. Milicia, discurso y regla militar.

Цитата

y assi estas tres fileras tira cada vna quatro tiros y no mas ... do el arcabuzeria sienpre a cada quatro tiros, y quando mucho no passen de cinco: porque el arcabuz quando a tirado mas tiros destos haze poca facion, porque esta demasiado caliente, y se deshaze el plomo es dentro y no haze efeto, que yo lo tengo muy bien prouado infinitas vezes


Еще одно издание.

P.S. Про "контрмарш" у него страницей выше.

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Olaf van Nimwegen. The Dutch Army and the Military Revolutions, 1588-1688. 2006

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В книге приведены эти схемы с архивными шифрами, но - в версии на гугло-буке они скрыты.

 

В 1595-м система 

Цитата

один ряд - одна улица

была упразднена

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The Twelve Years Truce (1609). 2014

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Мушкетная пуля - 12 на амстердамский фунт, аркебузная - 24.

У Паркера в The Limits to Revolutions in Military Affairs: Maurice of Nassau, the Battle of Nieuwpoort (1600), and the Legacy

Цитата

The Ordre op de wapeninge issued by the States-General in 1599 specified that all muskets must be able to fire “12 bullets to the pound” (one-twelfth of an Amsterdam pound of 494 grams, or 41.2 grams): Michiel de Jong, “Staet van Oorlog.” Wapenbedrijf en militaire hervormingen in de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden, 1585–1621 (Hilversum: Verloren, 2005), 30–31.

 

Еще - Olaf van Nimwegen. The Tactical Military Revolution and Dutch Army Operations during the Era of the Twelve Years Truce (1592–1618) // The Twelve Years Truce (1609). Peace, Truce, War and Law in the Low Countries at the Turn of the 17th Century. 2014

Цитата

In 1586, the areas under full rebel control were reduced to a mere four provinces: Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht and Friesland. The undisciplined and underpaid Dutch troops were on the verge of mutiny. But even if they were willing to fight, they were no match for the army of Philip II. Discipline and training made the difference between triumph and defeat on the battlefield. Spain’s crack infantry regiments – the tercios and the German Landsknechts – were deemed by contemporaries to be all but unbeatable. Dutch troops lacked the esprit de corps of their adversaries. But that was not all. They also lacked the proper weapons for fighting in the open field. To be able to face attacking infantry or cavalry without cover a sufficient number of pikes was needed. The pikemen – soldiers armed with an ash pole fitted with an iron point with a total length of eighteen feet (c. 5½ metres) – formed a living palisade behind which the musketeers and calivermen could find refuge when threatened by a cavalry charge or infantry assault. Muskets and calivers, smoothbore firearms with a calibre of 20 mm and 17.4 mm respectively and an effective range of approximately 75 paces of two-and-a-half feet (c. 55 metres), required an average loading time of one minute between shots. In damp or rainy weather, they were sensitive to misfires because they were fitted with a matchlock firing mechanism. On pulling the trigger a cock holding a smouldering slow-match was forced down into a pan filled with fine priming powder. The lightly armoured musketeers and calivermen had no hope of survival in hand to hand combat with swordsmen, halberdiers or horsemen. Bayonets that could be fitted onto the muzzle of the musket without impeding loading and firing would not be invented until the end of the 17th century. In German regiments, approximately half of the soldiers were therefore armed with polearms and swords, and in Spanish units this could be as high as seventy percent. In contrast, the Dutch rebel infantry of the 1570s and early 1580s numbered just twenty to twenty-five percent pikemen, halberdiers and swordsmen; approximately 70 percent of each company being armed with calivers (see Appendix II). Consequently the Dutch troops were far inferior in fighting strength to the Spaniards

Цитата

 According to ancient wisdom those ‘who want to gain honour with soldiers, must pay well and punish immediately’. The first condition was met by the introduction of the ‘repartitiestelsel’ in 1588. This system allotted a portion of the payment of the Dutch troops to each of the member provinces organised in the Union of Utrecht (1579) according to their financial wherewithal. Well paid soldiers were not however synonymous with skilled ones. William Louis and his cousin Maurice agreed with the notion dating from Classical Antiquity that wars were not won by the largest army but by the one whose discipline and training was superior. In the 1590s, Maurice and William Louis started a series of reforms that resulted in a tactical military revolution. Their new, more scientific approach to the art of war marked by study of Greek and Roman military treatises, theoretical discussions on the practical use of ancient tactics for contemporary warfare, subsequent experiments with a diversity of tactical formations using ‘tin soldiers’, and eventually in exercises with actual soldiers, established the basis for the systematic exercising and drilling of troops. This was a prerequisite for challenging the Spanish army in the open field. The ambitions of Maurice and William Louis did not end here. It was not just that they wanted to make Dutch soldiers the equals of their adversaries; they aimed at surpassing the enemy in fighting-power. They hoped to achieve this through optimising the use of firearms on the battlefield.

Цитата

In his Tactica, Aelian described the tactics of the Greek-Macedonian-Hellenistic tradition. It was not an original work because Aelian mainly voiced the opinions of earlier authors and in particular those of Asclepiodotus the philosopher (1st century bc). In Ancient Greece, military affairs were part of the study of philosophy and this explains the logical and systematic way with which the Greeks dealt with the matter of tactics. They had worked out the distribution of troops into units down to the lowest level of command, thereby ensuring that the command structure was crystal clear. All movements the troops had to make together (e.g. facing about, turning to the left or right, the closing and opening of ranks and files) had their specific word of command. Aelian warned his readers that these had to be short and  unambiguous to avoid confusion.

‘For example, if I say “Face”, some of those who hear this command may face to the right and others to the left, and this will produce no small confusion. As the word “face” is a general one I should not say “Face – right,” when I want to turn to the right or the left, but “Right – face.” Therefore I must prefix the special to the general [direction], so that all will do the same together’. 

The Greek words of command were very appropriate for 16th-century warfare. William Louis and Maurice faced the same problems as ancient generals when moving large bodies of men on the battlefield. Besides Aelian’s teachings on the words of command William Louis was fascinated by the Greek’s treatment of the ‘choreain’ or Cretan countermarch.

The greatest threat to a Greek and Macedonian phalanx (a pike unit with a depth of eight and sixteen ranks respectively) was an attack from the rear, because the most skilled soldiers were positioned in the front ranks. It was therefore of vital interest to be able to about-turn and then to march as quickly as possible to the rear, so that the best troops would again be facing the enemy. This was a complex manoeuvre that could easily throw the unit into disorder. To prevent this from happening the Greeks and Macedonians had developed the countermarch. It existed in three variants of which the Cretan or ‘choreian’ was according to William Louis the most suitable for warfare in his day because of the possibilities it offered for use with firearms.

Цитата

Leo VI’s military manual impressed William Louis with its clear treatment of all facets of warfare, and in particular those of drill and weapons training. Leo VI was of the opinion that soldiers had to exercise on a daily basis, because idleness led to moral corruption. Before taking up their places within the unit, recruits first had to be instructed individually in the use of their weapons. Next they had to be taught the meaning of the words of command, so that they would perform their movements together. In imitation of the Greek General Xenophon (c. 430–354 bc), Leo VI advocated the staging of sham battles arming the soldiers with blunt pikes and ordering them to throw clods at each other. These exercises were especially important in peacetime to maintain fighting ability but also in wartime during the winter when armies lay dormant in numerous garrisons. Mock fights mentally prepared the troops for real battle so that they would not panic when they came face to face with the enemy.

 

Цитата

In 1600, William Louis’s and Maurice’s tactical innovations were put to the most severe test imaginable: a pitched battle without the option of retreat. On 2 July 1600, approximately 11,000 Dutch and an equal number of Spanish troops faced each other on the beach and dunes near the Flemish seaport of Nieuwpoort. Battle was joined at around half past three in the afternoon. For a long time the battle wavered, but then the Dutch troops started to bend before the Spanish attack. The Spaniards interpreted this as proof that victory was imminent and pushed on, but their attacking drive proved to be a drawback. In contrast to the battles of the 1570s and 1580s, the Dutch infantry did not turn heels, but maintained its battle order and poured volley after volley into the enemy. When the Spanish infantry had moved so far forward that its flanks were left unprotected, Maurice saw his chance to decide the battle. He had kept a few companies of horse in reserve and now these fresh troopers went on the offensive. The Dutch cavalrymen hit the Spaniards in the flank and scattered them. The Spanish army’s retreat began at around 7 pm. Both parties had sustained heavy losses. The Dutch army suffered 1000 fatalities and 700 wounded, but on the Spanish side there were 3000 or so fatalities and a further 600 Spaniards were taken prisoner.

 

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Lars Ericson Wolke. The Swedish Army of the Great Northern War 1700-1721. 2018

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Великанов В.С., Мехнев С.Л. Курляндский поход Шереметева и «упущенная виктория» при Мур-музе (Гемауэргофе) 26 июля 1705 г. // Военно-исторический журнал "Старый Цейхгауз". № 57 (1/2014). М. 2014. С. 70-80.

Шведская пехота - около 4000 человек. Если правильно понимаю - активно она действовала где-то часа два, с 19 до 21 часа или около того.

В течение боя у Мур-мызы был расстрелян почти весь боезапас - к концу боя у стрелков осталось по 2-3 патрона, редко 4-5. Первоначальный боезапас был по 36 патронов. 

В.С. Великанов пишет про примерно 120 тысяч пистолетных и ружейных выстрелов со стороны шведов.

С результативностью - не ясно. Общие потери русской армии - 2250 человек. Но это с учетом дезертиров, отставших, пленных и погибших от холодного оружия и артиллерии. Даже если отнести на ружейный огонь тысячи две (а это, насколько понимаю, заведомое завышение) - эффективность огня это 60 выстрелов на выбывшего. Реально - больше.

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К. Клаузевиц. Бой батальона принца Августа. В старых изданиях Клаузевица (довоенных) этот фрагмент был, с послевоенных его почему-то часто выкидывают. На немецком.

На английском. 

Цитата

The Prince exalted them to make an honorable resistance, to be calm, not to lose their heads and particularly not to fire before receiving orders to do so. Some minutes later, the hostile cavalry advanced. The battalion executed "halt—ready," and the men were then cautioned: "Do not fire." I thought for a moment to myself of the battle of Minden where the French cavalry charged two Hanover battalions; and when these failed to fire at the usual distance, they came gradually from a gallop to a trot and finally from a trot to a walk. Exactly the same thing happened here. The French dragoons advanced at a gallop, and we could see with what anxiety they awaited the moment when they would receive our fire; when at a range of 100 paces they had received no fire, they more and more drew in on their horses, and finally were approaching us only at a slow trot. Fire was ordered at 30 paces; many fell, the rest lay down in rear of their horses' necks, wheeled about and fled. Now all our men were well in hand.

Цитата

The calmness maintained by its chief and his officers, and their continuous caution not to fire, and consequently retaining the fire until late, caused the success.

I am persuaded that it is not in the nature of a cavalryman to wish to have himself killed in such cases by a musket shot. It is usually believed that the hostile cavalry, at the moment when they actually turned about could have charged without danger. But this is a false idea. Infantry fire under any form used (with us we have thought of battalion volleys, that fronts attacked should fire at the same time, and that in serious cases, this is the only possible manner), does not strike down the cavalry so suddenly, but that they by continuing to advance do not always receive many shots at very short range, in the last case as is said, a bout pourtant and it is these shots at point' blank ranges which everybody fears. In other cases, in which we have formed infantry squares, we could certainly count upon the fact that the infantry was no longer in order, and had already commenced to weaken before the brave cavalry had had the time to turn around, or that it had fired too soon at between 200 and 100 paces, and that at the moment where the cavalry was very close to the square none or little fire came from it. If horse artillery prepares a charge the effect will be almost always decisive against troops with slight military spirit, but in fact it amounts to little against French troops as the author knows from experience. I therefore say: Consideration being given to the effects of artillery, the best and most effective formations for attacking infantry, will always be to charge in echelon in several lines, in such manner that the first charge will be immediately followed by a second. This cannot be done unless the squadrons are divided into platoons and this is so much disliked by captains that this method of attack is not general.

Не знаю, насколько это будет корректно, но постоянно приходит на ум сравнение батальона западноевропейской пехоты с органным орудием. Или митральезой. 

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Laurence Spring. The First British Army, 1624-1628. The Army of the Duke of Buckingham. 2016

Цитата

Although whether a volley was delivered by a single rank or more, Sir John Smythe records that ‘a few volleys well given with pieces leisurely and therefore well charged shot, within 20, 30 or 40 paces do work more effective then a great number of volleys out of pieces charged in haste or a great distance.’

Цитата

BL: Harl MS 135, Sir John Smythe’s answer to Captain Humphrey Barwike’s book on military affairs.

 

Godwin B. English Firearms from the late 1500s to the English Civil Wars. 2013

David S. Weaver. The English blunderbuss and its ballistics. 2020

В английской армии кремневки уже к концу Гражданской войны были более обычны, чем фитильные ружья.

Цитата

Just before the Civil War there were two considerable orders from the Ordnance amounting to over 31 000 'new' 'snaphance' muskets. This might well be seen as evidence that the flintlock musket was now regarded as the better system, particularly as the Ordnance had not ordered any matchlock muskets for almost a decade.

...

The records show that of new firearms supplied to the Ordnance by the London gunmakers during the period of the Civil War, over 82 000 'new' snaphance firearms were supplied, compared with just 39 000 new matchlock firearms. That is more than twice as many flintlocks! This is undeniable evidence that the flintlock was beginning to surpass the older systems and, by the end of the War in 1652, the balance towards flintlock production was tipping in its favour. This was a trend that was set to continue, although it should also be remembered, that the use of the matchlock continued for some considerable time.

В 1651-м году фитильные мушкеты заказывали по 10 шиллингов и 6 пенсов за штуку, мушкеты со снапханом - по 13 шиллингов.

При этом надежные кремневые замки умели делать уже на рубеже 16-17 века минимум.

Цитата

What is certain is that during these early years the snaphance was the weapon of choice of England's wealthy elite. These firearms show not only a refined form of decoration, but also mechanical simplicity and excellence. Modern tests have proved the mechanism to be very reliable with very few misfires.

Цитата

During the early decades of the 1600s, more and more snaphance firearms, both muskets and pistols were ordered by the Ordnance, although the records also show that the matchlock remained the mainstay of the 'musketeer'.

В принципе, получается, что "было бы понимание" - можно было бы создать аналог батальона эпохи войны за Испанской наследство веком ранее. Технических ограничений на это не было. 

Так-то вообще эволюция оружия - штука, местами, не вполне "интуитивная". Технических проблем создать классическую аркебузу не было уже в начале 15 века. Фитильный замок тогда уже был, длинные стволы - тоже. Но она появилась только под конце 15 века, до того продолжали обходится ручницами с пальником. Рано создан колесцовый замок (те еще часы с кукушкой), созданы нарезные стволы, которые довольно быстро превратили в настоящие винтовки, казнозарядные системы заряжения и револьверные магазины. Но при этом нет чего-то похожего на пулю Минье или Нейслера, к примеру.

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Augustus Blandy Wylde. '83 to '87 in the Soudan. 1888 Тут

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Там, кстати, комментарий о негодности египетских феллахов для армии по природным свойствам.

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А это уже о беджа.

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Тамаи. Уже после прорыва в каре.

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Собранное оружие.

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      P.S. Большую часть работ Николя в список вносить не стал - его и так все знают. Пишет хорошо, читать все. Часто пространные главы про армиям мусульманского Леванта есть в литературе по Крестовым походам. Хоть в R.C. Smail. Crusading Warfare 1097-1193, хоть в Steven Tibble. The Crusader Armies: 1099-1187 (!)...
    • Военная мысль конца 19 - начала 20 века.
      Автор: hoplit
      Военная мысль конца 19 - начала 20 века. 
      Статьи. Пехота.
      - Chad R. Gaudet. Baptisms of Fire: How Training, Equipment, and Ideas about the Nation Shaped the British, French, and German Soldiers' Experiences of War in 1914.. 2009.
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      - Steven Jackman. Shoulder to Shoulder: Close Control and “Old Prussian Drill” in German Offensive Infantry Tactics, 1871–1914 // The Journal of Military History, Volume 68, Number 1, January 2004, pp. 73-104.
      - Jonathan M. House. The Decisive Attack: A New Look at French Infantry Tactics on the Eve of World War I // Military Affairs,  Vol. 40, No. 4 (Dec., 1976), pp. 164-169.
      - Geoffrey Wawro. An "Army of Pigs": The Technical, Social, and Political Bases of Austrian Shock Tactics, 1859-
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      - T. H. E. Travers. The Offensive and the Problem of Innovation in British Military Thought 1870-1915 //  Journal of Contemporary History,  Vol. 13, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 531-553.
      - Spencer Jones, The Influence of the Boer War (1899–1902) on the Tactical Development of the Regular British Army 1902–1914. 2009.
      - John K. Mahon. Civil War Infantry Assault Tactics // Military Affairs,  Vol. 25, No. 2, Civil War Issue (Summer, 1961), pp. 57-68.
      - Thomas A. Bruno. Ignoring the Obvious: Combined Arms and Fire and Maneuver Tactics Prior to World War I. 2002.
      - О.Р. Кушнир. «Гуманные убийцы» (О взглядах начала XX века на поражающую способность винтовочных пуль) // Война и оружие. 2014.  Сс. 503-517.