hoplit

"Примитивная война".

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К "вычислениям по среднему".

Five Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri: Sioux, Arickaras, Assiniboines, Crees, Crows

Разные группы сиу. - 2360 палаток, 12 групп. Делятся на янктонов и тетонов. Уже на этом пункте - неравно. Тетонов 7 групп (1630), янктонов - 5 (730 типи). Дальше - больше.

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izobrazhenie_2021-10-10_005211.png.e33c9

И что тут даст "подсчет по среднему"? В крупнейшей группе (брюле-сиу) - 500 палаток, немногим меньше, чем в пяти группах янктон-сиу вместе взятых. Можно написать, кончено, что "3/4 сиу жили в группах размером 200 +/- 100 человек". Если точную роспись на руках иметь, да.

Автор считает для 1833 года пять человек на тип, в 1850-е не было и четырех. Для арикара он ранее считал 4,5 человека на типи.

 

 

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Глава о кроу целиком.  

 

Равнинные кри.

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Еще тут. John S. Milloy. The Plains Cree: Trade, Diplomacy, and War, 1790 to 1870. 1988

izobrazhenie_2022-02-17_091627.png.8fb16

То есть - это только восточная часть равнинных кри.

izobrazhenie_2022-02-17_091728.png.8817d

Опять - одни группы насчитывают 30-40 типи, другие - более 300.

 

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Между восточной и западной частью равнинных кри были небольшие различия в похоронном обряде. Иногда в отдельную под-группу выделяют кри-ассинибойнов (метисная группа).

David G. Mandelbaum. The Plains Cree. 1940

Цитата

The cultural and dialectical differences between the two sections of the Plains Cree, were not of a major order. For example, the eastern bands erected grave-houses while the western bands did not. Other details of burial were similar.

Кри-ассинибойны

Цитата

A band known as the nehtopwat, "Cree-Assiniboin," was so called because of its close relations and frequent intermarriage with the Assiniboin. They occupied the area southwest of the Qu'Appelle River, in the vicinity of Wood Mountain. Of all the Cree groups, this band was deepest into the true plains. Its close kinship connections with the River People make it probable that it was an offshoot of that band.

Если что - кри это алгонкины. Ассинибойны - сиу.

Цитата

To the east of the House People was a group sometimes mentioned in the literature as Willow Indians. Their Cree appellation is paskuhkupawtyiniwak, Parklands People. They are now living on the reserves of the Duck Lake Agency. This group is distinctive in that practically all of the individuals in the band were descendants of a Scotch trader, one George Sutherland, who came from Scotland in 1790. He took a Cree wife and left the employ of the Hudson Bay Company to live on the prairie as a native. He subsequently took two more wives and begot twenty-seven children who grew to adulthood and raised families. His offspring married with the surrounding people but always returned to live with the familial group. In this way Sutherland became the first chief of a band he had himself engendered. The Parklands People associated but little with the other bands but they spoke Cree and regarded themselves as more closely related to the Cree than to any other tribe.

Цитата

Indeed, many Ojibway lived among the Cree. The last observation and many others like it, reveal the fact that the Cree became an amalgam of many different tribal stocks. Not only do we find that the Assiniboin, Monsoni, Ojibway, and the Algonkin to the east and south lived among the Cree, but even their enemies, the Dakota, the Athapascans, and the Blackfoot, occasionally camped with and married into the bands of the Cree. One reason why the Cree attracted people from far places was that they had become, thanks to the fur trade, the wealthiest and most powerful tribe.

 

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George Chaworth Musters. At Home with the Patagonians A Year's Wanderings over Untrodden Ground from the Straits of Magellan to the Rio Negro. 1871

Разборки между патагонцами.

Цитата

The following morning, September 2, we were sitting quietly round the fire discussing a breakfast of boiled ostrich prepared by the lady of the house, when suddenly the clash of knives was heard, and we saw two Indians, destitute of mantles, with naked swords in their hands, run across from Camillo’s to Crimè’s toldo. In a minute everything was in an uproar; arms were produced, guns and revolvers loaded, and some of the Indians equipped themselves in coats of mail, and others, with the assistance of the women, padded themselves about the chest and upper part of the body with thick blankets and corconillas or saddle-cloths. Knowing what was about to happen, the women, and with them all the Chilian deserters except one, beat a retreat to a safe distance from the toldos. Having assumed my arms, and feeling thoroughly mystified as to the real cause of this excitement, I went to Camillo’s toldo, where the scene explained itself. He was lying on his bed dead, with a frightful gash in his side, having been murdered by Cuastro, one of the Indians whom we had seen running to Crimè’s tents. On issuing from the toldo Casimiro met me, and asked for a revolver, as he had no firearms, and I lent him one accordingly. The Indians showed by their changed countenances all the fury of fight; their very complexions seemed ghastly, and their eyes glared and rolled, seeming to see blood. The two opposing parties, the Southern Indians — friends of Crimè, who was a cousin of Cuastro — and Orkeke’s and Casimiro’s people or the Northern party, were soon ranged in open line at some twenty yards distance from each other. Cuastro was conspicuous by his tunic or ‘buff coat’ of hide studded with silver, while his only weapon was a single sword or rapier. The fight commenced with an irregular discharge of guns and revolvers, which lasted a few minutes, till some of the Northern or Orkeke’s Indians, led by Casimiro, closed up, and a hand to hand contest with swords and lances took place, resulting in the death of Cuastro and the severe wounding of two or three Southern Indians. The Northerns then drew off to reload, and were about to renew the action, when Tankelow proposed a truce, which was accepted on the understanding that both parties were to march at once in the same direction. The women and children were then recalled from the bushes whither they had retired, the horses brought up, and the dead buried. The Tehuelches’ lance is entirely different to that of the Araucanos or Pampas, and is only used when fighting on foot; it consists of a heavy shaft eighteen feet in length, at the extremity of which a blade is fixed about eighteen inches long, constituting a most formidable weapon in the hands of an expert Indian. Cayuke, whom I have before mentioned, in this fight was armed with the lance, and ran Cuastro through the body, although protected by his mail and endeavouring to parry the point with a sword. This Cuastro was a brave man; when dying, with several bullets in his body, and several lance thrusts, he sprang up to his full height and called out, ‘I die as I have lived — no cacique orders me;’ his wife then rushed up to him crying and sobbing, but he fell down dead at the same moment. Casimiro had a narrow escape; he parried a blow of a sword with what may be termed the slack part of his mantle, but if the blow had caught him on the head, as intended, it would have ended his career then and there. The casualties were a wound in Crimè’s leg, and a lance thrust clean through the thigh of Hummums, a young Indian, who seemed to care very little about it. The fight originated out of a vendetta between Cuastro and Camillo, the latter having some years before caused the death of a member of the family of the former, who had on a previous occasion endeavoured to avenge it on Camillo, and he had only attached himself to our party, in company with Crimè, in order to obtain an opportunity of assassinating Camillo. This Cuastro had been suspected on good grounds of making away with Mendoza, the Argentine sent from Buenos Ayres in company with Casimiro, and who mysteriously disappeared; and he had certainly, when under the influence of rum, at Santa Cruz, murdered his own wife Juana, a daughter of Casimiro, so that brave as he was he had richly deserved the fate he met with.

Тут занятно, что Мастерс спокойно называет кожаный доспех (tunic or ‘buff coat’ of hide studded with silver) -  "кольчугой" (mail).

Цитата

We descended to the flats, and crossed the river, on the- 150 - banks of which ‘Paja’ or Pampa grass grew in abundance, as well as the bamboo-like canes from which Araucanian Indians make their lance shafts, and a plant called by the Chilians ‘Talka,’ the stalk of which, resembling rhubarb, is refreshing and juicy. 

Цитата

The arms of the Tehuelches consist of gun or revolver, sword or dagger, a long heavy lance, used only by dismounted Indians, and altogether different to the light lance of Araucanian and Pampa horsemen, and the bola perdida or single ball, so called because once thrown it is not picked up again: this weapon is quickly constructed; a sharp-pointed stone is taken, covered with hide except the point, which is left out, and a thong of raw hide about a yard long is attached, with a knot made in the end to prevent it slipping from the hand whilst whirling it round previous to throwing it at an enemy. Before the introduction of firearms the bola perdida was the original weapon of the Tehuelches, and is even at the present day a most deadly missile in their hands.

I am aware that Pigafetta, the historian of Magellan’s voyage, describes the ancestors of these Indians as using bows and arrows, but I am inclined to think that this must have applied either to a tribe of Fuegians or a party of Pampas living in the valley of the Rio Negro. It is certain that no ancient flint arrowheads are met with south of the Rio Negro, where they abound; also that there is but little, if any, wood nearer than the Cordillera suitable for bows, and it is reasonable to suppose that previous to the introduction of horses the Indian migrations were confined to a smaller area; besides, although no arrowheads are found in the interior of Patagonia proper, ancient bolas are not unfrequently met with. These are highly valued by the Indians, and differ from those in present use by having grooves cut round them, and by their larger size and greater weight. The introduction and diffusion of firearms has almost superseded the use of defensive armour; but chain suits, and hide surcoats studded thickly with silver, are still — as instances before given show — possessed and employed: and before going into battle the warriors are often padded like cricketers, corconillas or saddle-cloths, and ponchos being employed to form a covering, the folds of which will turn a sword cut or lance thrust.

Цитата

The following morning at daylight all mounted their best horses, and forming into column of six proceeded, with the lancers of the warriors at our head, towards the toldos situated in a valley running at right angles to the one we had rested in the previous night. On arriving in sight of Cheoeque’s ancestral halls, we observed the Araucanians or Manzaneros forming into line and manœuvring about half a mile distant; we approached to within 300 yards, and then forming into open line to display our whole force (my proposal of hiding a reserve behind an eminence having been overruled), awaited the course of events. Thus we remained about half an hour watching the Manzaneros, who presented a fine appearance, dressed in bright-coloured ponchos and armed with their long lances; they manœuvred in four squadrons, each with a leader — from whose lance fluttered a small pennonmoving with disciplined precision, and forming line, wheeling, and keeping their distances in a way that would not have discredited regular cavalry.

 

Описание арауканского кавалерийского копья

Цитата

All our business, both commercial and political, being concluded, and the farewell banquet over, Cheoeque distributed gifts of horses, &c., among the Tehuelches in return for the numerous presents he had received from them. As a set-off to a set of gold studs, he presented me with one of the peculiar lances always used by his people, about fifteen to eighteen feet long and very light, the shaft being made of a cane, which grows in the Cordillera forests, strongly resembling a bamboo, and of the thickness of the butt of a stout pike rod. This present, by the way, caused me to commit a breach of etiquette. I placed it leaning against the toldo, and was at once requested to remove it, as it was a sign of war, though whether it was regarded as a challenge or an omen was not clear; but I was instructed that the lance must either be laid down on, or planted upright in the ground. Another lance was also bestowed on Casimiro, besides numerous horses and other valuables.

 

Цитата

Englishmen are apt to suppose that because they possess good weapons, rifles and revolvers, and are able and ready to use them, they can resist an Indian attack; but the whole system of their warfare consists in sudden surprises. They secretly collect their forces, and waiting at a safe distance during the night, come in at the early dawn, and perhaps the unsuspicious settler, going to the corral or looking for his horses, observes in the distance what appears to be a troop of horses, driven, according to custom, by one or two mounted men; these approach unchallenged, but in a second every horse displays an armed rider, shouting his war-cry. They then spread out, as if to encircle the game, thus presenting no front to the rifles of their opponents, and dash down lance in hand; and whilst some secure the animals, others set fire to the dwellings and carry off the women — if there are any — captives. In some cases they kill the men, but generally only when much resistance is offered.

Although their chief object in warfare is to carry off cattle and captives, the Indians will at times fight desperately, regardless of odds, and show little or no fear of death; and the survivors will never leave their wounded or killed on the field. The Indians in the service of the Government, mustering about fifty lances, and residing chiefly on the south side, are commanded by a man named Linares, previously mentioned as living at San Xaviel; he receives the pay and rations of an officer in the army, of what rank I do not know, and all his men regularly receive pay and rations. These are supposed to act as gendarmerie; but although Linares and his four brothers are probably to be depended on, I doubt very much if the rank and file could be trusted to remain true to their colours in the event of a united raid taking place, such as that organised by Lenquetrou.

 

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Военные упражнения у манданов, описанные Джорджем Кэтлином.

Цитата

Of these, one of the most pleasing is the sham-fight and sham scalp-dance of the Mandan boys, which is a part of their regular exercise, and constitutes a material branch of their education. During the pleasant mornings of the summer, the little boys between the age of seven and fifteen are called out, to the number of several hundred, and being divided into two companies, each of which is headed by some experienced warrior, who leads them on, in the character of a teacher; they are led out into the prairie at sunrise, where this curious discipline is regularly taught them (plate 57). Their bodies are naked, and each one has a little bow in his left hand and a number of arrows made of large spears of grass, which are harmless in their effects. Each one has also a little belt or girdle around his waist, in which he carries a knife made of a piece of wood and equally harmless — on the tops of their heads are slightly attached small tufts of grass, which answer as scalps, and in this plight, they follow the dictates of their experienced leaders, who lead them through the judicious evolutions of Indian warfare — of feints — of retreats — of attacks — and at last to a general fight. Many manoeuvres are gone through, and eventually they are brought up face to face, within fifteen or twenty feet of each other, with their leaders at their head stimulating them on. Their bows are bent upon each other and their missiles flying, whilst they are dodging and fending them off.

If any one is struck with an arrow on any vital part of his body, he is obliged to fall, and his adversary rushes up to him, places his foot upon him, and snatching from his belt his wooden knife, grasps hold of his victim's scalp-lock of grass, and making a feint at it with his wooden knife, twitches it off and puts it into his belt, and enters again into the ranks and front of battle.

This mode of training generally lasts an hour or more in the morning, and is performed on an empty stomach, affording them a rigid and wholesome exercise, whilst they are instructed in the important science of war. Some five or six miles of ground are run over during these evolutions, giving suppleness to their limbs and strength to their muscles, which last and benefit them through life.

After this exciting exhibition is ended, they all return to their village, where the chiefs and braves pay profound attention to their vaunting, and applaud them for their artifice and valour.

Those who have taken scalps then step forward, brandishing them and making their boast as they enter into the scalp-dance (in which they are also instructed by their leaders or teachers), jumping and yelling — brandishing their scalps, and reciting their sanguinary deeds, to the great astonishment of their tender aged sweethearts, who are gazing with wonder upon them.

illustrationsofm01catl_0_0209.thumb.jpg.

Тут - тот самый поединок Матотопы с вождем шайенов.

 

Для сравнения - "игра в войну" у казачат в "Уральцах".

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Селькнамы (одна из групп огнеземельцев), около 1900-го года. Стрелы с наконечниками из стекла.

The National Museum of the American Indian. Вот тут.

142402_1000.jpg.9a612bb5d37a20324eb55a2c

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Вот к этому вот.

Цитата

Francisco de Aguilar,  who  was a stronger and more robust man than the others, and being such had defended himself better than the rest, was still alive though he had two arrow wounds, which passed through both  thighs, and many blows over the head and the whole body, which they had given him with bows, because when he closed with the Indians they had used all their arrows, and seeing him alone, they grasped their bows with both hands and gave him such hard blows that they knocked his shield to pieces, only the handles being left.

В Notes on the Hidatsa Indians based on data recorded by the late Gilbert L. Wilson // Anthropological papers of the AMNH ; v. 56, pt. 2. 1979.

Цитата

Wood, elkhorn, or Rocky Mountain sheep horn were used to fashion bows; they were made as needed, any time of the year, summer or winter; their construction was not hindered by seasons or by any ceremonial strictures. Wooden bows were made of young ash, chokecherry, wild plum, cedar, elm, and a species the Hidatsa called white wood. Ash was preferred principally because of the belief that an ash bow, especially when sinew-backed, would not only withstand a heavy blow without breaking but was, moreover, strong enough to use as a club in an emergency. When put to use in this secondary function as a club, the bow was usually braced; the bowstring, although strong, had a tendency to break the blow and thus prevented the wood from fracturing. Bows made of ash were the chief dependence in war and hunting.

 

Насколько понял - луки у хидатса и лакота еще и асимметричные.

Цитата

To give the upper arm of the bow a distinctly greater bend and more resiliency than its lower arm, which was relatively stiffer, it was shaved somewhat thinner. Further, to accommodate its more decided arch the upper arm of the bow was made somewhat longer than its lower arm. As a consequence, when braced and measured on the taut bowstring both arms of the bow would be equal in length. The bow handle was placed in the middle of the braced bow. The main objective was, of course, to assure the steadiest and straightest flight of an arrow. A bow with its upper and lower arms of equal length, as in the English bow, would have been considered useless by the Hidatsa.

Цитата

A Teton-Sioux, when questioned, explained that a bow with its arms equally bent cast an arrow sluggishly and on a dead level; one with a greater arched upper arm cast the arrow with more speed and on a higher curve. The upper arm of a Japanese bow is longer and more arched than the lower. To Wolf-chief's great surprise, Wilson outshot him in a contest.

 

Цитата

According to Wolf-chief, as recorded in July 1911, a bow of Rocky Mountain sheep horn, or bighorn, was considered by the Hidatsa to be more valuable than one made of elkhorn and with 10 arrows cost a good horse, during a period when horses were scarce. Bighorn bows had a rapid cast. They were used both for warfare and the chase. However, they were chiefly valued by young men for their decorative qualities and, like the elkhorn bows, were treasured more for display in the village than for practical use. A bighorn bow was white on its inner curve; like the elkhorn bow previously described, the outer curve was reinforced with sinew. As was customary on the elkhorn bow, a decorative piece of quillwork or an enemy scalp was frequently hung on the tip of the upper arm of the bighorn bow. Sometimes red stripes were painted on bows to signify, "With this bow I struck an enemy. "

Цитата

Girls were not taught to use bows and arrows; boys, however, began to shoot when about three years old

Цитата

In battle, at close quarters with the enemy, when shooting rapidly was urgent, two arrows were held in the teeth, feathers to the right; a
third arrow was held in the left hand, against the back and slightly athwart the bow, with the feathers downward and visible below the hand, slightly to the left; a fourth arrow lay on the bowstring. Sometimes, a fifth arrow was added to the one grasped in the left hand. 

Цитата

A very brave man, or sometimes two such men, who had no fear of a close approach to the enemy when engaged in battle, always found it easy, if his arrows were all spent, to have his quiver replenished with arrows in recognition of his valor by the other members of the war party.

 

К теме юми-яри.

Цитата

Bows were sometimes fitted with flint heads, placed at the upper end of the bow. In relatively modem times 4-inch steel heads were inserted in the split upper end of the bow and firmly bound with sinew and glue. These flint heads were larger than arrowheads but smaller than spearheads, which were about 4 inches long.


Bows so fitted with flint or steel heads were carried by the young men of the village when bent on courting. They were also embellished with eagle plumes and dried birdskins. However, such bows were also carried on war parties and might be used, like a lance, as a weapon of last resort after a warrior had shot all his arrows. Wolf-chief was in doubt as to whether the Hidatsa regarded the spearhead bow as useful a weapon as a coup stick. Apparently he never heard that anyone had ever been slain with such a bow. As a child, Red-feather counted coup on an enemy with such a bow and afterward carried it in the dance with
the point painted red to represent blood. All the bows of this type that he observed in his boyhood were carried only in ceremonies and were definitely not fighting weapons. Red-feather also added that these bows were bound to the ceremonial bundles of their owners, and were in this way kept sacred.


Three officers of the Rough-woods society carried spearhead bows. They were known as "carriers of big arrowhead bows." Packs-wolf also described this weapon. If other carriers were elected, the bows passed to them.

Цитата

Culbertson (1851, p. 117) mentions bows with spears attached to the ends as observed by him among the Arikara. Cf. also Will and Spinden (1906, p. 113) for a description of the Mandan bow lance.

Сходное есть еще в David G. Mandelbaum. The Plains Cree. 1940

Цитата

A large bow with a knife or bayonet affixed to one end was used in warfare. When the enemy advanced to close quarters it was wielded like a pike.

Его же - The Plains Cree: an ethnographic, historical, and comparative study. 1979

Цитата

The main source for the following summary is Mandelbaum (1940, 1979), which represents the period 1860-1870, within the memory of the elders during 1934 — 1935 fieldwork.

 

Robert H. Lowie. The material culture of the Crow Indians. 1922

Цитата

Well-made arrows were highly prized, so that when a man receiving some dessert from his sister acknowledged the courtesy by sending back ten arrows to her husband the gift was deemed equivalent to that of a horse.

 

Clark Wissler. Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians. 1910

Цитата

The use of a combined bow and spear; i. e., a bow with a lance head on one end, seems to have been unknown though common in the Missouri valley and some parts of the interior of British Columbia.

 

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Louis A. Bougainville. Adventure in the Wilderness: The American Journals of Louis Antoine de Bougainville, 1756-1760. 1990

24 июля 1757 года. Это за несколько дней до резни у фота Уильям Генри.

Цитата

The exact truth is that only the pickets came out of the defenses at the Indians' first fusillade, that there was much firing, and that the English had eleven men killed and four wounded, two of whom since died of their wounds. The Indians, however, brought back thirty-two scalps; they know how to make two or even three out of one.

Цитата

Our detachment which was in ambush under Sugar Loaf returned in succession after a most fortunate action. Colonel Parker left Fort George yesterday evening with a detachment consisting of 350 men, 5 captains, 4 lieutenants, and an ensign in twenty-two barges, two of them under sail. His purpose was to test our advanced posts and to make prisoners. At daybreak three of these barges fell into our ambush and surrendered without a shot fired. Three others that followed at a little distance met the same fate. The sixteen advanced in order. The Indians who were on shore fired at them and made them fall back. When they saw them do this they jumped into their canoes, pursued the enemy, hit them, and sank or captured all but two which escaped. They brought back nearly two hundred prisoners. The rest were drowned. The Indians jumped into the water and speared them like fish, and also sinking the barges by seizing them from below and capsizing them. We had only one man slightly wounded. The English, terrified by the shooting, the sight, the cries, and the agility of these monsters, surrendered almost without firing a shot. The rum which was in the barges and which the Indians immediately drank caused them to commit great cruelties. They put in the pot and ate three prisoners, and perhaps others were so treated. All have become slaves unless they are ransomed. A horrible spectacle to European eyes.

The detachment was composed for the most part of the New Jersey regiment of militia. It was the rest of those that we captured at Oswego. Colonel Parker commanded it in place of M. Schuyler, a prisoner.

 

Тут еще несколько похожих описаний - Francis Parkman. Montcalm and Wolfe. 1885. И ссылки там стоят не на англичан, а на французов, что характерно...

 

Memoir of De Gannes concerning the Illinois country // The French Foundations, 1680-1693. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 23. 1934 Тут

Автор - Sieur Pierre Deliette, посещал иллинойсов в 1680-е.

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David Mamoru Hayano. Marriage, Alliance and Warfare: the Tauna Awa of New Guinea. A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology. 1972 Тут

Цитата

Once the level of conflict reached inter-sovereignty proportions, the patterning of offensive prosecution and defense is fairly clear. The operation of a composite fight sequence can be described as being divided into three phases: (1) the preparations for fighting; (2) battle tactics and techniques; and (3) ending fights and making peace1.  Phases (1) and (2) may have been repeated over and over for several years until peace gestures were finally initiated. Part (3) may not have been "formalized" every time to the extent that peace rituals and the exchange of women took place. Indeed, fights may have subsided simply because the "score was even" or the men were temporarily too tired to fight.

Informants always insisted that in pre-contact times everything was "hot." This is a common description used in New Guinea to indicate a particularly dangerous or violent activity. Men in battle were "hot"; even the drinking water was "hot" in those days!

Цитата

1. The general organization of fighting in Tauna has parallels with other small-scale groups such as urban Black street gangs (see Keiser 1969).

 

Keiser R. L. The Vice Lords: warriors of the streets. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. 1969 Тут

Для сравнения - тут.

 

David M. Hayano. Marriage, alliance, and warfare: a view from the New Guinea Highlands // American Ethnologist. Vol. 1, No. 2 (May, 1974)

Цитата

Tauna hamlets are widely dispersed and several of them are actually spatially closer to hamlets in other villages than to each other.

Цитата

There are no political bodies or authority beyond the village level to handle such disputes. While feuding between major kin groups within the village does occur, and killings do take place, further fighting is terminated by neutral kin groups or individual Big Men. Moreover, intravillage killing always involves a reparation payment from the offender to the victim’s kin group. Outside of the village no similar control mechanisms exist.

Цитата

Detailed accounts of warfare histories between villages reveal that men first attempt to prosecute offenses by themselves or with a small group of agnatic kinsmen and friends before threatening large-scale warfare. Thus large-scale warfare is not an initial reaction to interpersonal offenses. There is usually a prior history of unavenged grievances and grudges between men in different villages before each side attempts to mobilize, through shows of intragroup solidarity, all village members  to  protect their joint security and reputation.

Цитата

Assuming, because of the high rate of village exogamy, that almost all men have affines and matrilateral kinsmen in one or more outside villages, what degree of control does a man have, in killing others in small raids? This question  is  crucial in determining and examining the pattern of warfare deaths in Tauna and the possible role that affines played in deterring killing.

Цитата

Warfare deaths that were collected from genealogies and intervillage histories accounted for 25.7 percent of all deaths recorded between 1900-1949, until government contact. A greater proportion of males died in warfare than females (30 percent to 16 percent). This does not result in an unbalanced sex ratio. In  fact,  in census data beginning in 1953, males tend to outnumber females slightly. It has been suggested that the practice of female infanticide, which is associated with revenge warfare, polygyny, and marital alliance in “primitive” societies,  is  responsible for the slight numerical superiority of males (Divale 1970).

Отмечается, что "большие битвы" практически не известны. Просто потому, что регион - густо заросшая пересеченная местность. Подходящего поля, где могли бы "с комфортом" сражаться несколько десятков человек - не найти.

 

Для сравнения - в части 

Цитата

There are no political bodies or authority beyond the village level to handle such disputes. While feuding between major kin groups within the village does occur, and killings do take place, further fighting is terminated by neutral kin groups or individual Big Men. Moreover, intravillage killing always involves a reparation payment from the offender to the victim’s kin group. Outside of the village no similar control mechanisms exist.

В Anthony Wonderley and Martha L. Sempowski. Origins of the Iroquois League: narratives, symbols, and archaeology. 2019 указано следующее

Цитата

The Norton version of the Deganawida epic, it will be recalled, relates the beginning of the Iroquois League to a policy of avoiding the exaction of vengeance for the murder of one’s own. The anthropologist Anthony Wallace picked up on this as the central point of the Deganawida epic: “The strategic innovation is the prohibition of blood-revenge by members of one of the five tribes against members of their own tribe or of any of the other four” (1958, 124).

То есть - та самая система контроля насилия, вышедшая за пределы отдельных общин. 

Если у папуасов мы видим

Цитата

Awa is one of four related languages (including Auyana, Gadsup, and Tairora) in the Eastern family of languages in the New Guinea Highlands (McKaughan 1973). The population of 1,500 Awa speakers resides in eight separate, autonomous villages. Tauna  is
the northernmost of these villages that  lie  in the mountainous region along the Lamari River adjacent to both the Auyana and Fore language groups.
The Tauna Awa number 170 persons living in seven spatially dispersed hamlet areas. These seven hamlets comprise the village,  the maximal political and warfare unit.

Для сравнения - численность населения Лиги ирокезов оценивают примерно в 20 тысяч душ. Система "подавления насилия" у них охватывала в сто раз большую популяцию. И опять - очень похоже на "судебные союзы" Европы.

 

Aaron Podolefsky. Contemporary Warfare in the New Guinea Highlands // Ethnology. Vol. 23, No. 2 (Apr., 1984)

Цитата

After decades of pacification and relative peace, intergroup warfare re-emerged in the Papua New Guinea highlands during the late 1960s and early 1970s, only a few years before national independence in 1975. Death and destruction, martial law, and delay
in highlands development schemes have been the outcome.

Цитата

The largest political group to unite in warfare is the tribe, a group of several thousand individuals. Although the Kobulaku tribe is linked to other tribes in the vicinity through an origin myth, little co-operation is evidenced. 

Цитата

The early writings of Salisbury (1962) and Meggitt (1958) report indigenous notions that highlanders marry their enemies. The  Siane say "They are our affinal relatives; with them we fight" (Salisbury 1962:25). Enga informants report "We marry those whom  we fight" (Meggitt 1958:278). In an extensive study of Enga warfare, Meggitt  (1977:42) supports the veracity of these assertions by reporting quite strong correlations between rates of intergroup marriage and killing.

 

Fredrik Barth. Tribes and Intertribal Relations in the Fly Headwaters // Oceania, Vol. XLI, No. 3, March, 1971

Цитата

Through most of the area the population is organized in clearly bounded territorially discrete political units. Within such units violence is severely restricted and killing denied to be conceivable. Between such units warfare was endemic. Where there are central villages one, or sometimes a pair, of these with associated smaller hamlets constitutes a political community; among the Kwermin/Augobmin, as also among the Bimin, the corresponding territorial units function as political entities. The total population of such communities ranges from 100 to 250. Among the Minomin and Kanai political units appear to be smaller and interrelations between them perhaps somewhat closer; but the categorical ban on killing within the community, contrasted with ready violence outside it, seems to hold true.

Цитата

Territorially dispersed exogamous clans likewise create a link between different communities. There is a strict taboo on killing a clan member or seeing his blood shed - in a raid a person must turn his head away when this happens.

 

Bruce M. Knauft. Melanesian Warfare: A Theoretical History // Oceania. Vol. 60, No. 4, Special 60th Anniversary Issue (Jun., 1990)

Цитата

In a world historical perspective, the indigenous populations of Melanesia have been among the last to be contacted and then pacified by Western colonial powers. Particularly true of hinterland areas and New Guinea, this circumstance has been due to Melanesia's geographical remoteness from European colonial powers and a dearth of resources that could be easily exploited during the colonial era (e.g., Bitterli 1989:ch.7). This legacy has been reflected in Melanesia's relative peripherality in world politicoeconomic systems (Brookfield 1972; Brookfield with Hart 1971:ch.8; contrast Wolf 1982; Wallerstein 1989). As a result, indigenous warfare in Melanesia has been more accessible to detailed ethnographic study than in most world areas and has been of major concern to many Melanesianists, not to mention to Melanesians themselves. Inrecent decades, accounts of armed conflict in interior New Guinea have provided among the most detailed and comprehensive accounts of tribal warfare from any world area, and the resurgence of Melanesian warfare in some of these same areas in the post-colonial era makes the topic of continuing interest.

Цитата

These tendencies notwithstanding, the weight of evidence suggests that precolonial warfare was common if not intense in at least parts of the following areas of insular Melanesia and coastal New Guinea:
- the Admiralty Islands (e.g., Schwartz 1963; Moseley 1877; Parkinson 1907)
- New Ireland (Bell 1934 a + b; Clay 1986:192; Romilly 1886: ch.3)
- northern New Britain (e.g., Brown 1910: ch.6; Parkinson 1907:124ff., 263f., 401f.; Salisbury 1962: 334f.; Powell 1883: ch.4.; Chowning and Goodenough 1971: 150-55, 158-61)
- interior southern New Britain (Fenbury 1968)
- Bougainville (e.g., Thurnwald 1910: 115-29; Oliver 1955: ch.12, 1971)
- Choiseul Island (e.g., Scheffler 1964 a + b, 1965: 223-39)
- New Georgia (e.g., Zelenietz 1983; Hocart 1931)
- Malaita (e.g., Keesing 1985; White 1983; Ivens 1927: ch.14, 1930: ch.10)

- San Cristoval (e.g., Fox 1925: ch.24)
- Vanuatu [New Hebrides] (e.g., Rodman 1983; Allen 1981,1984; Deacon 1934: ch.8; Guiart 1956:79-85, 94-103; Layard 1942:ch.23; Humphreys 1926:54-60, 148-50; Harrisson 1937)
- New Caledonia (e.g., Leenhardt 1930: ch.3; Guiart 1963; Cheyne 1971:105-6 [1842]; Ta'unga 1968,1982).

Цитата

The same is true on and near the New Guinea coast, for example, concerning warfare for:

- parts of coastal West New Guinea (e.g. Strachan 1888: chs 10-15; Redlich 1876; Miklouho-Maclay 1874; Webster 1984: 120, ch.7)
- parts of the New Guinea north coast (e.g., Lipset 1985; Moresby 1876: 273f.; Webster 1984: 189-90; Lutkehaus 1984)
- the north Papuan coast (Williams 1930: ch.ll)
- the Massim (e.g., Seligmann 1910: chs 41, 42; Macintyre 1983; Malinowski 1920; Roheim 1946).
- the Port Moresby area of the New Guinea south coast (e.g, Seligmann 1910: ch.9; Chalmers 1887; Abel 1902)

Finally, for the south New Guinea coast, warfare in association with headhunting was particularly pronounced and well documented among:
- the Purari [Namau] (Williams 1924: ch.9; Maher 1961: ch.2, 1967; Holmes 1924: ch.21)
- the Kiwai (Landtman 1927: ch.9; 1917: ch.13; Riley 1925: ch.22)
- the Trans-Fly peoples (Williams 1936: ch.15; Beaver 1920: chs 6-9)
- the Marind-anim (Baal 1966: ch.12; Haddon 1891; Wirz 1933; Ernst 1979)
- the Kolopom (Serpenti 1966, 1977)
- the Jacquai (Boelaars 1981: chs 9-12)
- the Asmat (Zegwaard 1959; cf. Eyde 1967)

There are a few areas of coastal Melanesia where warfare is reported to have been relatively infrequent and unimportant, such as parts of the northeast New Guinea coast (e.g.,Moresby1876: 292; Jenness and Ballyntine 1920: ch.7; Webster1984) and northeastern Guadalcanal (Hogbin1934:246) - though in the latter case head hunting for ritual purposes was also noted. 

Цитата

In some casesonly ritual cannibalism of selected body parts was practised, in others whole-body cannibalism was the norm, and, in a few cases, indigenous flesh-markets existed.

Цитата

Ritualized confrontations were not uncommon in Melanesia and became if anything more accentuated under conditions of early 20th century colonial pacification, which largely precluded more unrestrained forms of conflict. In the precolonial era, however, formalized encounters often did little to preclude destructive engagements on other occasions, as some of the best data on New Guinea highlands warfare attests (e.g., Meggitt's 1977; Heider 1979). 

Опять отмечается, что т.н. "формальные битвы" - опция, одна из.

Цитата

In many cases, formal opposition was but a stage of political balance in a larger cycle where by asymmetries in political configuration led to the routing of one side, accompanied by large-scale casualties, wholesale property destruction, and political redefmition. Indeed, participation in formal conflict itself typically signified willingness to accept the risk of wider death and destruction. In some cases large numbers of dead could be carried awayeven in continuing 'rule-governed' encounters (e.g., Cheyne
1971: 105-6 [1842]). Fox (1925: 305-6) states for San Cristoval that rule-governed warfare on a regular battleground was cross-cut by 'sudden temporary war' in which 'everyone was killed and eaten if possible'.  Contractual death alliance and deception were common, and in one case '400 bushmen were killed by the people of 'Ubuna and Tawaatanain an ambush to which they had been led by treachery' (ibid.:311). None of this is to deny the presence and significance of rule-governed engagementsin many Melanesian societies but rather to point out the functionalist gloss on the extent and intensityof precolonial violence, first, by neglecting nonritual forms of engagement and, second, by failing to appreciate the appreciable amount of killing possible over time within formalized battle itself.

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И, кстати, интересное о талионе.

Цитата

Huli have no idea of lex talionis. A man tries to inflict a greater injury than that which he has suffered. Moreover, the people who suffer as a result of vengeance do not accept their injuries as just or appropriate; they too seek counter-vengeance, and the conflict is unending.

Занятно получается. Одно дело - "око за око", другое - "око за око и не более того".

Цитата

Langness (1972a:930-31) cites Salisbury thusly concerning Siane warfare in the eastern highlands:

Pitched battles consist of opposing clans lining the opposite ends of prepared battle grounds, firing occasional arrows, and shouting defiance, while champions joust with ten-foot spears of palm wood. Days maypass withno fatalities, and with hostilities ceasing at nightfall or in rain and beginning again around 9a.m. the next day. In may ways such fighting seems to be regarded almost as a "sporting event".

 

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Klaus-Friedrich Koch. War and peace in Jalemo: the management of conflict in highland New Guinea. 1974 Тут

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Отмечено, что wim это чаще всего короткий (от нескольких дней до нескольких лет) формальный конфликт с "открытой битвой" между соседними поселениями. Soli - хроническая, долгая война с чужедальними чужаками. Она ведется в первую очередь с помощью рейдов.

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Интересно, что автор кирасой назвал... Это? Но от этой накрученной вокруг талии фигни до "кирасы", как до Луны пешком.

Цитата

... the men wear delok, multiple bamboo waist hoops which serve as armor in battle and noise makers in dance

 

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Mervyn Meggitt. Bloodis Their Argument: Warfare among the Mae Enga Tribesmen of the New Guinea Highlands. 1977 Тут

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George Bird Grinnell. The Fighting Cheyennes. Первое издание - 1915-й год.

Сауки и фоксы против кайовов и их союзников в 1854-м

Цитата

The Indians were encamped on Pawnee Fork, at the crossing of the Santa Fe Road, where they were collected in larger numbers than have ever been known to assemble on the Arkansas River before. Old traders estimate the number at from twelve to fifteen hundred lodges, and the horses and mules at from forty to fifty thousand head. The entire Kiowa and Prairie Comanche were there; several hundred of Texas or Woods Comanche had come over; the Prairie Apache, one band of Arrapahoe, and two bands of Cheyenne, and the Osages composed the grand council. They had met for the purpose of forming their war-party in order, as they in their strong language said, to "wipe out" all frontier Indians they could find on the plains.

Цитата

It is uncertain how large the party of Sacs was. Hewitt says they numbered fifty. Others say not over two hundred. The usual estimate is one hundred. The number of the prairie Indians is no doubt much exaggerated in the printed reports, but it must have been large.

Насколько понимаю - сауки и фоксы успели занять удобную позицию и спешиться.

Цитата

The Sac chief ordered his men to retreat to a ridge nearby, and this move, the old man said, saved the party from annihilation. They were hardly in position when the mounted men charged them from every direction.

Цитата

The Sacs were fighting on foot in a little hollow — a place like a buffalo wallow — and I was riding a horse and kept trying to charge up close.

Восточные индейцы были вооружены винтовками и умели вести организованный огонь, что и решило дело. Что характерно - потери они понесли тоже от огнестрельного оружия, а не луков.

Цитата

About the year 1897 George Bent talked with an old Sac who had been with the party of hunters. This man said that when they saw the great force of prairie Indians coming toward them they were much alarmed. The Sac chief ordered his men to retreat to a ridge nearby, and this move, the old man said, saved the party from annihilation. They were hardly in position when the mounted men charged them from every direction. The Sac and Fox were all armed with good guns, and fought on foot, but — except the Osages — the prairie Indians had few firearms. The attacking party charged again and again, but were unable to get near enough to their enemies to use effectively either their bows or their old smooth-bore trade guns. The Sac and Fox soon saw the advantage the superiority of their arms gave them and that, notwithstanding the numbers of the enemy, they could keep them at a distance. Having some idea of discipline and order, they so handled their rifles that all the guns were never empty at the same time. They fought much as did the Potawatomi who had come to the assistance of the Kit'kahahkl the year before; they fired by relays, and thus were able always to repel the charges made on them.

Цитата

At some place near the Kansas River they met about one hundred Sac and Fox Indians, and the fight commenced, but the combined forces were compelled to retreat, leaving their dead on the field. They reported their loss at about sixteen killed and one hundred wounded.

Цитата

The prairie Indians at length retreated, having lost several Kiowas and Comanches, one Apache, and two Osages. Only a few Cheyennes were engaged in the fight, and the number of Arapahocs was still smaller; in fact, it is said that the Arapahoes stood off and looked on, taking little or no part in the battle.

Цитата

The Sacs lost five men killed and four wounded, and this loss was inflicted by the Osages, who had good guns. The Sacs knew this and later declared war on the Osages. A Sac who had lost a brother in the fight approached the Osage camp, and met two Osages, one of whom he killed and scalped, allowing the other to return to take the news to camp.

Можно добавить, что во время Бойни Феттермана в 1866-м году отметки от пуль имели только 4 или 6 погибших американцев из 81. Тут. То есть - с ружьями у "лошадников" реально было туго даже всего за десять лет до Литл Биг Хорн? Хотя как оно вот с этим сочетается?

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Еще момент 

Цитата

Only a few Cheyennes were engaged in the fight, and the number of Arapahocs was still smaller; in fact, it is said that the Arapahoes stood off and looked on, taking little or no part in the battle.

Чайены и арапахо как раз и отхватили годом ранее от потаватоми и сауков в сходной ситуации.

 

Отчет из Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1854. Тут

Цитата

From the best information I can get, the Sacs and Foxes were as much surprised at the result as the others, for there is no doubt but that they would have run too, if they could have seen a hole to get out at; they had taken shelter in a ravine, and were for a long time surrounded. The prairie Indians were armed with the bow and arrow, while the others had fine rifles. One is a formidable weapon in close quarters, but worthless at more than about fifty yards. The rifle told almost every shot, either on rider or horse. It is easily accounted for why one hundred whipped fifteen hundred ! the former had a weapon to fight with — the latter had none at the distance they were fighting. I learn that the Sacs and Foxes lost six killed, but they were killed with the rifle. The Osages have fine guns; and they must have shot them, for I am certain the other Indians have nothing in the shape of guns, except a few northwest shot-guns, and they are of but little use. The Sacs and Foxes are satisfied that the Osages did them the only damage they received ; and as an evidence, I learn that war has been declared between the two nations, and already some scalps have been taken. This may save the government from whipping them, (the Osages,) as it is certain somebody will have it to do soon.

 

Carl Parcher Russell. Firearms, Traps, and Tools of the Mountain Men

Carl Parcher Russell. Guns on the Early Frontiers

John D. Baird. Hawken rifles. The Mountain Man's Choice

Насколько понимаю - типовые гражданские винтовки ("plains rifle" и "indian rifle") имели дальность прямого выстрела, с хорошей точностью попадания, примерно 150 ярдов при нормальной навеске пороха и до 250 при двойной навеске, с использованием сферической пули.

 

В 1853-м - пауни и потаватоми против чайенов и их союзников.

Message of the President of the United States Communicated to the Two Houses of Congress ... 1853

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Louise Barry, compiler. Kansas Before 1854: A Revised Annals, Part Twenty-Two, 1853 // Kansas Historical Quarterly. Volume 34. Spring 1967, No. 1 Тут

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Надо будет посмотреть - попадались упоминания, что потаватоми изрядно напугали равнинников тем, что не только сняли скальпы, но и съели сердца убитых. То есть - от своих каннибальских практик они даже в середине 19 века не отказались.

 

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George Bent, George E. Hyde. Life of George Bent written from his letters.

Цитата

In 1835 a large village of Kiowas ventured north with a fine lot of horses, intending to go up to the Tongue and Big Horn rivers to trade the horses to the Crows for elk teeth and ermine skins. The Cheyennes of Yellow Wolf's Hevhaitanio clan and Black Shin's band of Suhtais were camped on Artichoke Creek east of where Denver now stands. They were hunting buffalo. Early in the morning they broke camp and started on the hunt. The women and children with the old men were marching in an irregular column with the travois and pack horses and the loose animals, while the warriors rode in front and on the flanks of the column. Scouts were far out ahead, looking for buffalo. The light was not yet very strong, when presently the scouts saw before them, far off across the plain, a large number of moving dots. They gathered in a group on a hill and watched the dots, thinking at first that these were buffalo; but as the light increased they saw that many of the moving objects were white and had dark objects on their backs. Then they knew that these were horses and people. The scouts were now greatly excited and began to signal. The Cheyennes in the rear with the main column saw a scout ride away from the group on the hill and then ride back to it. This meant "enemies in sight." As soon as the warriors saw this signal they rushed to the column, jumped off the common horses they were riding and, taking their war horses and arms, came on, riding very fast. The Kiowas were moving across an open plain when they saw the Cheyennes making towards them. The women, children and old men at once bunched together and made for a timbered creek off to one side, taking all the loose horses with them. In the meantime the warriors formed up in the rear and began fighting off the Cheyennes. The Kiowas retreated slowly toward this creek, where their women and children were already engaged in digging pits in the sand and making breastworks to fight behind. The Kiowa warriors would retire a short distance, then turn and face the Cheyennes, checking their advance. One Kiowa man on a fine white horse was very brave. Again and again he took his lance and charged right through the Cheyenne lines. In one of these charges he struck a Cheyenne named Man Above with his lance such a hard blow that he knocked Man Above right off his horse. As they were nearing the creek, this brave Kiowa came back again and charged right in among the Cheyennes; but this time they shot him with arrows, and he turned and rode slowly back toward the Kiowa lines, but dropped his lance and fell from his horse before he could reach his friends. The rest of the Kiowa warriors lost heart as soon as they saw this brave man fall, and they at once retreated into the timber. Along the creek among the timber, the Kiowa women had tied the best horses, and in the edge of the timber they had dug pits and made a kind of breastworks. The Kiowas now hid behind these breastworks and fought off the Cheyennes. Our men made several charges, attempting to drive the Kiowas out of their defenses, but the position was a very strong one, and all the Cheyenne efforts to reach their enemies failed. The Cheyennes then turned their attention to the Kiowa herd and succeeded in cutting out a large number of animals, but all of the best horses had been tied to trees close to the pits and breastworks, and these the Cheyennes could not reach. After the Cheyennes had run off all the horses they could get at, they gave up the fight and withdrew. This fight was on what the Cheyennes call Scout Creek, now called Kiowa Creek on the maps.

Всадник с копьем неоднократно врывается в строй чайенов и возвращается обратно. И даже закалывает минимум одного воина. В итоге его все-таки подстрелили, но, имхо, можно оценить расстояние между кайовами и чайенами по ходу битвы. "Не очень большое".

 

Цитата

That day the Cheyenne and Arapaho warriors prepared for battle and the women got everything ready for the march. The lodges with nearly everything they contained were to be left where they were; so the women put up scaffolds made of poles inside the lodges and piled their property on top of these scaffolds, where the wolves could not reach anything. The skin lodge covers were also tied up several feet from the ground all around so that the wolves could not gnaw them. At evening the two tribes assembled and formed in column. Everyone was to go, men, women, and children, and all of the horses and dogs were to go too. Children too small to sit a pony were put in the baskets of the travois and were tied down so that they could not drop out while sleeping. Skins of water were tied to the travois poles. These skins could not be placed on the ground, because they collapsed at once and all the water ran out of them. The warriors marched in regular organized bands: Dog Soldiers, Bowstring Men, Kit Fox Soldiers, Red Shields, etc. The horses, with the old men, women, and children, moved in a great column by themselves, and on each flank and in the rear rode the soldier bands. The line of chiefs led the march and a screen of scouts was kept far out ahead. No one was permitted to drop out of the column or straggle. The soldiers quirted anyone who did not obey orders. Off to outside of the main column, Porcupine Bear and his outlaws marched by themselves.

 

Цитата

In the '30's the Delawares and Shawnees were settled on a new reservation on the west side of the Missouri River, near the present Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. The men of these two tribes were very bold and adventurous, and they were perhaps the most dreaded Indians in the whole West. Their war and hunting parties penetrated everywhere in the plains and in the mountains, down into Mexico and west to Great Salt Lake. While crossing the plains they never missed an opportunity to attack any small party of plains Indians they might meet, and as they were all armed with good rifles and were fine shots they usually had little difficulty in getting the upper hand of the poorly armed plains warriors. Many fights with these parties of Delawares and Shawnees are on record. About 1825 a party of them returning home from a trapping expedition among the mountains ran into a war party of sixty or seventy mounted Pawnees in the plains of western Kansas. The trappers were outnumbered four or five to one, but they made a breastwork of their packs of beaver skins and without losing a man drove the Pawnees off, killing several of their bravest warriors. In 1844 another trapping party of Delawares ran into some of our people, but did not get off so easily. 

That summer a band of Cheyennes and a band of Brulé Sioux were camping together on a creek near the forks of the Republican, about on the present western boundary of Kansas. One day a Cheyenne man named Plover went out on the prairie with his wife and a boyhis wife's brother. They were digging roots when all at once a party of seventeen Delaware trappers made their appearance. The Delawares were returning home from a trip in the mountains with their pack ponies loaded with furs. The minute they caught sight of the three Cheyennes they set up a yell and leaving their pack ponies set off in pursuit. Plover, his wife, and the boy jumped on their ponies and rode for their lives, but the Delawares kept gaining on them, and when they reached a line of bluffs the Delawares were very close. The fugitives rode over the bluffs and disappeared; the whooping trappers galloped after them, expecting to catch them just beyond, but as the pursuers rushed over the top of the bluffs they were amazed to find themselves right in the edge of the Cheyenne and Sioux camp, which was in a little valley hidden between two lines of bluffs. The Delawares jerked in their horses, whirled around, and made off at top speed. They rounded up their pack ponies and rushed them to a nearby creek. Here they dismounted and put all their horses in the bed of the creek, under cover of the high banks; then the trappers came out on foot and lined up on the open ground. When Plover, his wife, and the boy had come rushing into camp, closely followed by the Delawares, the Cheyenne and Sioux men had armed at once and begun catching their horses; and now they came streaming over the bluffs in little bands and groups. Soon a big body of mounted warriors was lined up facing the little party of trappers. The Cheyenne chiefs High-Back-Wolf and Standing-on-Hill rode forward, making signs of peace, but the Delawares fired on them and drove them back. Three or four times the chiefs attempted to approach and parley with the trappers, but each time they were fired on. The Cheyennes and Sioux did not wish to fight, but after the chiefs had been shot at several times the warriors began to get mad. They held a council and decided to attack the trappers; but as the Delawares all had fine rifles and the Cheyennes and Sioux had only a few old smooth-bore fusils, the chiefs determined to "empty the enemy's guns" before signaling the charge. Among the Cheyennes was a man named Medicine Water who owned a Spanish coat of mail. Some years before, a band of Arapahos had been camped down in Mexico and the Mexicans came to trade in the camp. One day a Mexican rode into camp with this old suit of armor and offered to trade it for horses. While he was bargaining with the Indians, a young Arapaho rode into camp with a fine big American mule, which he had found straying, and when the Mexican saw the mule, he rode up to the young man and offered the armor for the mule. The trade was made, and some time later Medicine Water saw the Arapaho with the armor and traded him some good horses for the suit. Medicine Water wore this coat of mail in the big fight with the Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches on Wolf Creek in 1838, and some years later he gave the suit to his son, Touching Cloud. When the council decided to fight, Medicine Water told his son to go back to camp and put on the coat of mail, and Touching Cloud went at once. The armor was made of little iron scales about as big as half-dollars. These scales were sewn upon a leather shirt, each line of scales lapped over the one above, so as to leave no openings. There was also an iron cap with a flap coming down to protect the neck. Touching Cloud put on the mailed shirt and wrapped a scarlet blanket over it, completely hiding the armor. He then mounted and rode back to the place where the Cheyennes and Sioux were sitting on their war ponies all in a line. Touching Cloud put his fine pony into a run and rode out toward one end of the Delaware line; then sweeping around in a broad circle, he rushed along the Delaware line, so close that it seemed impossible to miss him. As he swept past the trappers all fired at him, but the bullets fell harmless off his armor; then, as he cleared the end of the Delaware line, the signal was given, and like a flash the Cheyenne and Sioux warriors charged. They rode right over the Delawares, lancing them and knocking them down with their war clubs. Not a Delaware had time to fire a shot. Most of the Delawares were killed with the ramrods sticking from the muzzles of their rifles, the bullets rammed halfway down the barrels. Not a man escaped, and all of their horses, rich packs of furs, rifles, and equipments were captured. The small creek on which this fight took place flows into the Republican near its forks and is called Shawnee Creek by the Cheyennes. Our people always called the Delawares Shawnees or Black Shawnees. The old traders and trappers called the stream Delaware Creek, and it is so marked on some old maps. 

Повелись на провокацию. =/

 

Цитата

In the following spring, 1857, Colonel E. V. Sumner, First Cavalry, assembled a large cavalry force at Fort Leavenworth, and in the middle of May set out to seek the "hostile" Cheyennes. The Cheyennes were all camped together hunting buffalo on Solomon's Fork of Kansas River when some young men brought in word that troops were in the vicinity. When this news was received most of the chiefs and middleaged men were for moving camp and keeping out of the way of the soldiers, but the younger warriors wanted to fight, and two famous medicine men also threw their influence for war. The chiefs in this camp were Black Kettle, White Antelope, old Whirlwind, and Rock Forehead, the Keeper of the Arrows. These were Southern Cheyennes. Also Brave Wolf, Little Grey Hair, Dull Knife, and Spotted Wolf, leaders of the Northern Cheyennes. Grey Beard was the Southern Cheyenne medicine man, and Ice or White Bull was medicine man for the Northern Cheyennes. These two medicine men persuaded the young warriors that they had a medicine which would make the guns of the soldiers useless and that the bullets of the whites would not harm the Indians. The Cheyennes had very few guns in those days and most of these weapons were cheap, short-range smooth-bores. Our warriors had never had a fight with troops, and now they were to meet more than their own number of cavalry, all armed with carbines, pistols, and sabres. The belief that the medicine men's power would protect them from bullets put heart into the young men, and when on July 29th news was brought in by the scouts that the troops were approaching the camp, three hundred young warriors mounted and rode up the valley to meet the whites. Colonel Summer was pushing ahead with his cavalry, the infantry companies toiling along three miles in rear, when suddenly he came upon the Cheyennes drawn up in a long line, reaching from the river to the bluffs and facing the advancing troops ''with remarkable boldness,'' as Colonel Sumner said later in his report. It was the boldness of ignorance, however, and the warriors did not know what they were facing. As the six companies of cavalry fronted into the line, the flank companies moving at a gallop, the Cheyenne line began to advance, the warriors singing war songs as they rode slowly toward the troops. They were firm in the belief that the guns of the soldiers would fail to go off; and strangely enough this prophecy of the medicine men came true. Colonel Sumner was an old Dragoon officer and loved the sabre; and now, to the astonishment of all his officers and men, he gave the command, "Draw sabres!" and immediately afterward, "Charge!" and for the first and last time in the annals of Indian warfare a large force of cavalry swept forward to attack a body of mounted Indians with the steel. The Cheyennes faced this unexpected form of attack boldly enough for a short time; then, even before the troopers had come within striking distance, the warriors turned and fled, scattering in every direction. The troops split into small groups and chased the Indians many miles, but the Cheyennes were mounted on fresh horses and had little trouble in making good their escape. A few officers and men, mounted on fast horses, overtook and attacked individual warriors. Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, later the famous Confederate cavalry general, came up with a Cheyenne man and attacked him with the sabre, but was shot in the breast and badly wounded. Colonel Sumner reported his loss as two men killed, Lieutenant Stuart and eight men wounded, and the Indian loss he gave as nine killed, but the old people tell me that only four Cheyennes were killed: Coyote Ear, Black Bear, Yellow Shirt, and Otter Man. Sumner was much blamed by some officers for ordering the sabre charge. They said that the Indians were so close that if the troops had fired a volley before charging they might have killed a third of the warriors. The Cheyennes abandoned their camp right after the fight and fled south toward the Arkansas. The following day the troops continued their advance down the Solomon, and fourteen miles below the place where the fight had taken place they came on the deserted Indian camp. They found 171 lodges still standing (about the same number had been taken down and removed) and these lodges with all they contained were burned by the troops. Colonel Sumner then set out to follow the Indians, hoping to overtake them and force them to fight again. The trail was followed south to within forty miles of the Arkansas, but at that point it suddenly vanished: the Indians had scattered in every direction, leaving no trail behind.

 

Жаль, что его известия о стычках с потаватоми, сауками и фоксами в текст этой книги не вошли. =/

 

Powell F.P.J. People of the Sacred Mountain: A History of the Northern Cheyenne Chiefs and Warrior Societies, 1830-1879.

Пауэл записывал истории чайенов в 1960-е, но данные эпизоды, похоже, большей частью взяты из более ранних свидетельств, собранных в конце 19 и начале 20 века, а не интервью.

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В 1853-м.

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В 1854-м.

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Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians.

Цитата

In the summer of 1854 the Kiowa, Comauche, Apache, Cheyenne, and others of the plains tribes, organized a great expedition for the purpose of exterminating the immigrant tribes in eastern Kansas, whose presence was beginning to be felt in an ominous decrease of the buffalo. Although this was perhaps the largest war party ever raised by the plains Indians south of the Sioux country, being estimated to number 1,500 warriors, they were ingloriously defeated with heavy loss by a party of Sauk and Fox numbering hardly a hundred, the result being due to the fact that the latter were armed with long- range ritles, while their enemies had only bows and arrows. Almost every old man of tlie Kiowa now alive was in this battle, which is famous among all tlie tribes of the southern plains (see the calendar).
In the same year, according to Clark, a party of 113 Pawnee was cut off and slaughtered almost to a man by an overwhelming force of Cheyenne and Kiowa (Clark, 19). There is no record of this engage- ment on the calendars, although several minor encounters with the Pawnee are noted about this time.

 

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Bernardo de Vargas Machuca. The Indian Militia and Description of the Indies.

Цитата

In the interim, I return to the order with which the Indians enter the battle: [first,] all the people of the land are gathered in such a manner that enemies are made friends for that day, or most of it, in order to resist us, even though they may have their own wars declared. And if some should not enter into this league our commander will procure to ally himself with them, for they join it easily; [second,] those who give battle that day unfurl their pennants with many and varied feathers, bodies and faces well-painted red, yellow, and black, with their animal tails hanging from the waist and on the forehead. 

...

And for this day in particular they become drunk, though they are always so, and the most drunk among them is the most valiant.

...

The weapons they bring are distributed according to formation: if they use lances and shields, they are placed at the front, and behind them are the people with darts and slings; and the lancers crouch so that those with the slings may throw; and if they use arrows, each man brings his war club hanging at his back and his quiver at his side, and while firing their arrows, they close in with their clubs if they have the opportunity. They enter in a half-moon formation, procuring to encircle the Spaniards, for their aim and objective is to capture them by hand. 

...

They also bring munitions of arrows for the war, and maize porridge and chicha so their people may drink and be refreshed. In the hills and along the ridges and in the trees there are many people who are watching the fight, as if it were a great and distinguished celebration; and on this day they come from afar to see it and as they are foreign Indians, they are paid for this occasion, for they come to help them in the war; and these people come quite content with the pay, primarily those who eat human flesh.

Цитата

They are people who, if they begin to flee in the course of their wars and battles, are routed with ease, with no hope of being able to turn about and re-form, regroup, or become stronger.

Цитата

Their squads come in their own manner of formation, and their captains, appointed to govern and encourage, always come ahead; and each nation or clan recognizes their commander and obeys him, but the superiority of all the commanders and captains is not recognized among themselves on this occasion, and so once they begin to be routed, they are then lost.

...

They are a people who keep formation only at the outset or until the battle is joined, for they later turn about and fight with no order.

Сам автор воевал в Колумбии, но относится ли его зарисовка именно к местным индейцам... Так-то у него тут описаны именно два стиля вооружения. В одном случае у индейцев униформное вооружение, луки и маканы. В другом - комбинация из копьеносцев и метателей.

 

Bernardo de Vargas Machuca. Milicia y descripcion de las Indias. 1599 Тут

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Испанцы.

Цитата

On level ground, those on horseback will enter first, the horses with their bells, which will break out first; and afterward, the infantry in squads with their shield bearers at the fore. And if the enemy is armed with lances, the harquebuses will fire first from a wing formation, with their shield bearers and lancers forward. The cavalry should not attack until the enemy is somewhat routed, unless our men need them. On rough land the squads will also be used as offense in all places.

...

Avoid coming to blows, always offering peace, but when the Indian does not agree to it, apply force, for natural defense is permitted; and once it is clear that coming to blows is unavoidable, go right to them, breaking them where they would be broken, turning upon them to force them into the middle; and the cavalry should break out first if they are not a people with lances, and the harquebusiers will make their volley low, as has already been advised, always procuring that the first shots are employed upon those most obvious. 

izobrazhenie_2022-10-18_063136768.thumb.

Интересно - а baxo/bajo тогда не было синонимом для corto? Как-то не очень понимаю это tiro baxo... Или это вариация на aim low?

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Jan M. Vansina. Paths in the Rainforests. Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa. 1990. Тут

Цитата

War as often occurred between villages in recent centuries. There were two sorts of war: “restricted war” (A27) and “destructive war” (A28). The first term is derived from a verb meaning “to throw” (CS 1633-64) from which CS 1631 “bow” (A31) also derives. In this sort of war, fighting was hedged by a stringent set of rules that served to limit the damage and the duration of each encounter. A formal declaration of war was followed by an agreement to meet on a given day near the borders of the domains involved. The elders of either group stopped the fighting, usually after one or two serious casualties had occurred. Peace negotiations and the settlement of the conflict that had provoked the fighting followed. The term for a destructive war is derived from the verb “to burn” (CS 1870-71) because the winner burned the village or villages of the loser. There were no limiting rules in such wars, even though data from the period of the European conquest show significant differences in strategy and tactics. Such wars were intended to destroy or to chase away the enemy, to take his lands, to plunder his wealth, often to take captives, and sometimes to subject opponent groups to depen­dent status. Destructive wars often involved sets of villages, and even sets of districts. In recent centuries they were infrequent, and in early times they may have been even rarer, because competition for resources was less marked. This explains why no fortifications earlier than the last few centuries have yet been found, and why no ancestral terminology refers to them. Still, communal village charms for the defense and well­ being of the village, implanted when the settlement was founded, were quite common, especially in the western half of the area, where the widespread ancient common term for “village charm” (A7;  *-kinda) refers to them.

Цитата

The following day our march was through a similar series of villages, twelve in number, with a common well-trodden track running from one to another. In this distance sections of the primeval forest separated each village. ...

This quote is typical for observations made repeatedly by the earli­est European travelers, who called such sections districts, regions, or lands. They often emphasized that settlements appeared in clusters with “desert” or “dead” areas in between. Districts, however, have not been stressed by later writers. They were the first victims of the colonial order. When anthropologists or others later refer to them, they. often talk of "maximal lineages", "subtribes",  and the like. These are cogni­tive expressions of outsiders. They do not relate to the physical reality described by the first travelers. 

У западных банту люди, в норме, довольно легко перемещались между деревнями, количество и размер которых постоянно колебались.

Цитата

It is therefore legitimate to describe the district as an alliance, of Houses, especially founding Houses, rather than of villages.

Цитата

The district had no chief and need not have a principal village, although no doubt village size within a district varied considerably, even
in ancestral times, and bigger villages carried more weight than smaller ones. Nor were common meetings of the village headmen or the lead­ers of the Houses in the district necessary. Cross-cutting bilateral alli­ ances sufficed. 

Цитата

Like the village, the district was an organization for defense and common security. Its solidarity was expressed in matters of war, especially destructive war. Villages within a single district fought only restricted wars. When a village in the cluster was attacked by outsiders it called its allied villages to the rescue. This must have been the genesis of many a destructive war. 

 

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"Деревяшки". G. Burrows. The Curse of Central Africa. 1903

Цитата

This movement was just what they wanted; it took us into a hornet's nest of Gombe, and in a moment they were raining down spears upon us from the high trees. They had climbed along the branches, and had us at their mercy. Their spears are only wooden, for they have no iron; but a hardwood spear, with the sharp wooden point still further hardened, is a deadly weapon, as we found to our cost. We lost one white man, one man prisoner, and about ten soldiers killed, besides a number of wounded

Пленного потом зверски запытали. Линчи. Автор пишет, что это довольно обычная судьба для пленных.

Цитата

During six years passed in the Congo I have had to encounter at various periods many different unfriendly tribes. It is very rarely that any two tribes use the same methods of warfare.

 

J. Maes. Armes de jet des populations du Congo Belge // Congo. 3 annee. T. 1, no. 2, fevr. 1922 Тут

Цитата

Le couteau de jet ... Des expériences faites au Musée du Congo Belge, il résulte que, lancées à 15 mètres de distance, certaines de ces armes de jet traversent une planche de bois blanc de 15 millimètres d'épaisseur.

Georges Bruel. Notes ethnographiques sur quelques tribus de l'Afrique équatoriale française. 1918 Тут Вообще - у него довольно много работ по теме, насколько понимаю.

 

Adolphe Lejeune-Choquet. Histoire militaire du Congo: explorations, expéditions, opérations de guerre, combats et faits militaires. 1906 Тут

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Есть такое вот описание щитов на перевязи у канадских индейцев.

Цитата

He bore with him a very large buckler, very long and very wide; it covered all my body easily, and went from my feet up to my chest. They raise it and cover themselves entirely with it. It was made of a single piece of very light cedar; I do not know how they can smooth so large and wide a board with their knives; it was a little bent or curved in order the better to cover the body, and in order that the strokes of arrows or of blows coming to split it should not carry away the piece, he had sewed it above and below with cord of skin: they do not carry these shields on the arm; they pass the cord which sustains them over the right shoulder, protecting the left side; and when they have aimed their blow they have only to draw back the right side to cover themselves.

Проблема в том, что ссылки на источник обычно нет, все ссылаются на Бошампа. А у него просто

Цитата

A missionary in Lower Canada in 1633 was surprised at a shield he saw ... Relation, 1633

 

Это Paul Le-Jeune. Relation de ce gui s'est passe en la nouvelle France en l'annee 1633. 1634 Тут

Это, насколько понимаю, монтанья.

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1846 год, плоскоголовые против черноногих.

Gregorio Mengarini. The Rocky Mountains // Woodstock Letters. XVIII. 1889 (2).

Цитата

After eight days we found what, as I afterwards learned, was more to the taste of our warriors than antelope or bison, a camp of Blackfeet. Preparations for a pitched battle among Indians are far more expeditious than those among white men. When the enemy is sighted, word flies from mouth to mouth, and all is hurry and bustle for a few minutes. Some strip themselves naked. These are the poor men from whom the enemy can expect to get little. Others clothe themselves in calicoes of flaming colors to show their riches and invite the attack of such as dare face them. One thing yet remained to be done; the women and children and the missionary must be taken to a place of safety. A thicket was chosen and Frize ordered me to go to it. I protested that I would accompany the warriors. The order to go was repeated, and immediately two Indians placed themselves one on either side of me, and escorted me to the thicket. Firing had already begun on both sides, and the plain was covered with horsemen curvetting and striving to get a chance to kill some one of the enemy. An Indian battle consists of a multitude of single combats. There are no ranks, no battalions, no united efforts. “Every man for himself” is the ruling principle, and victory depends on personal bravery and good horsemanship. There is no random shooting, every Flathead or Blackfoot always aims for the waist. Arrived at the thicket, I found it already fortified by the old men and the women who had retired thither. Lodges had been set up in various places, and behind these the Flatheads would make their last stand if beaten in the field. A hillock separated us from the plain, but we could hear the whizzing of the balls as they passed over our heads. No cry was raised during the battle, but we heard the reports of the rifles nearer and nearer, and knew that our warriors were hard pressed. I had no sooner reached the thicket than I raised my hands to heaven and prayed fervently. The battle lasted nearly all day, but excitement and anxiety caused hours to pass like moments. The sun was already low in the heavens when a man entered the thicket and asked for ammunition. I questioned him about the fortunes of the battle. Four are already killed,” said he, “and others are wounded. The day is lost. Our men are retreating and will soon be here. The Blackfeet will then surround us and all will soon be over.” The children, hearing his words, began to cry most piteously. I gave the warrior what powder I could find, and off he hastened to join once more in the battle. The cry of the children was heart-rending, and if ever a fervent prayer went up from my heart it went up then. The warrior who had just left us was met by the retreating Flatheads. “What is the father doing?” they asked. “He is praying for us,” was the answer. Immediately, as with one voice, they raised a joyous cry and all to a man darted down the hill to meet the enemy. The Blackfeet, thinking perhaps that the man brought news of reinforcements, turned and fled, four hundred before seventy. The shots, at first loud and numerous, grew fewer and fainter in the distance, and as the sun was sinking in the west our victorious warriors returned, bearing with them the bodies of the four slain. The enemy, leaving twenty-four upon the field, had sought safety in their camp. Upon starting next morning I heard some shots, and asking the reason, I was told that the battle had been renewed. I told the chief that we had come to hunt buffaloes and not to fight. He recalled his warriors and they obeyed, but with great reludlance. He told me that we could not avoid passing before the Blackfeet, and, in fact, no sooner had we passed the hillock which had sheltered us than we saw the Blackfeet upon the mountains, but behaving like people that scarcely knew what to do. I was afterwards told that, had I not called the Flatheads from the fight, the village of the enemy, with all its ammuniton, traps, and skins, would have been ours. I knew nothing of the panic that had seized upon the Blackfeet, and considering it as a special grace that we had come forth victorious the day before, I thought that it would be tempting God to endanger our lives again. The Flatheads viewed the matter from a different standpoint, and secret discontent was widespread among them. Immediately after the engagement on the preceding day we buried our dead. The men scooped holes in the earth with crooked sticks, spoons, etc., until cavities were made three or four feet deep, and each large enough to receive a human body. The earth thus dug was placed upon skins. The bodies were lowered into their graves, then covered with earth, and lastly with grass. Manure was then spread over the place and the horses were made to trample it down, to make it appear that they had been kept there. Thus the Flatheads concealed their dead from a jealous and vengeful enemy. After travelling about ten or twelve miles, we halted and encamped to refresh both ourselves and our jaded animals. Soon a man wearing two horns as a kind of head-dress appeared on a hill near at hand. Gabriel advanced, and recognized in him a Frenchman named Chouquet, who lived among the Blackfeet and who had fought against us the day before. Invited to come to the camp and explain his mission, he approached, and on seeing me said, “Your warriors, Father, are truly glorious. The Blackfeet, though five times their number, have been utterly defeated, and mourn twenty-four killed and about forty wounded.” He then explained that he had come to ask for the saddle and blanket of one of his wife’s servants who had been killed on the preceding day. I called the man who had these articles and bade him restore them to Chouquet, promising that he would lose nothing by so doing. He obeyed without hesitation, greatly to the Frenchman’s delight. “What will the Blackfeet say when I go back,” said he, “seeing me returning thus, though I gave no compensation?” “That the Flatheads are warriors and not traders” I replied. He answered very kindly and hinted that it would be well for me to return with him and treat of peace with the Blackfeet. I was only too willing to consent, but judged it expedient to call a meeting of the warriors. They listened attentively to what I had to say, and when I had ended, Frize, though still a pagan, arose, and with a countenance perfectly unmoved and without even casting a glance at Chouquet, said: “Father, you little know the man with whom you deal. If you knew him you would not go. If, however, you are bent on going, we shall accompany you, and remain on the summits of the surrounding hills while you go to the camp of the enemy. And if while you are there we hear the report of a gun, we shall take it for granted that it is a gun levelled against your life. Then shall we descend to avenge your death, and we shall not cease until either we or the others will be utterly destroyed. Go then if you will, but such is our decision.” Chouquet who knew no Flathead did not know the purport of this speech. I excused myself to him as unable to go at that time, for I did not wish to imperil the expedition for my own sake. He left our camp and took with him his recovered property. The Flatheads had sent back on the preceding evening two women captured during the battle, and whom I, not knowing their full history, had insisted on having sent back

 

К старому. Нашел оригинал описания - Carter R.G. Tragedies of Canon Blanco. A story of the Texas Panhandle. 1919 Но опять - макака-сканировщик выкинула две страницы. =/

Цитата

They were naked to the waist; were arrayed in all their war paint and trinkets, with head dresses or war bonnets of fur or feathers fantastically ornamented. Their ponies, especially the white, cream, dun, and claybanks, were striped and otherwise artistically painted and decorated with gaudy stripes of flannel and colored calico. Bells were jingling, feathers waving, and with jubilant, discordant yells that would have put to blush any Confederate brigade of the Civil War, and uttering taunting shouts, they pressed on to what they stu-ely considered to be their legitimate prey. Mingled with the shouts whoops, and yells of the warriors could be distinctly heard the strident screeching and higher-keyed piercing screams of the squaws, far in rear of the moving circles, which rose above the general din and hub-bub now rending the air. In the midst of the circling ponies we could see what appeared to be two standard bearers, but upon their nearer approach we discovered them to be two scalp poles gaily decorated with long scalp locks, probably of women, with feathers and pieces of bright metal attached which flashed in the morning light. There were also other flashes seen along their line which I afterwards ascertained were small pieces of mirrors held in the hand and used as signals in the alternate advances and retreats, deployments and concentrations, in place of tactical commands. These were carried by the principal warriors or sub-chiefs, acting, I supposed, as file closers, squad leaders, etc. They had no squad, platoon, or company line formations, and no two, three, or four Indians were seen at any time to come together or bunch. While a general line was maintained at all times, it was always a line of circling, individual warriors with varying radii, expanding and contracting into longer or shorter lines, advancing or retreating during these tactical maneuvers. The scalp-pole bearers I took to be chiefs, or big medicine men, for they were arrayed in all the gorgeous trappings that savage barbarity is capable of displaying.

Цитата

With a Smith & Wesson pistol I fired several shots at a distance of not more than thirty feet, but the wily chief was on the other side of Gregg, and guiding his pony by rapid zigzagging so as to make a shield of him, his (Gregg's) life was in danger from our shots. 

Цитата

As before stated, an irregular line of battle, or front, was kept up, always, however, in continual motion, every individual warrior fighting for himself — each, as he came around on the front arc of his circle, which he described with ever-varying radius, firing, whooping, or yelling, and brandishing his arms. ... Occasionally a Ton-ka-way would leave his circle, and, dashing straight to the front, would be imitated by a Comanche, both apparently bent upon meeting in personal combat, or a duel; but, as we breathlessly watched, expecting every moment to see the collision, they whirled, and delivering their fire, strongly reinforced by untranslatable Indian language — which we took to be serious name-calling — they darted back to their places in the ever-changing battle line.

Для сравнения - выше уже было - Notes on the Hidatsa Indians based on data recorded by the late Gilbert L. Wilson

Цитата

A very brave man, or sometimes two such men, who had no fear of a close approach to the enemy when engaged in battle, always found it easy, if his arrows were all spent, to have his quiver replenished with arrows in recognition of his valor by the other members of the war party.

Сближаться с противником в бою, даже для стрельбы - "уважаемо, почетно, благородно". Хотя, конечно, не так почетно, как сходиться в поединке на коротком оружии. Опросы показывали, что те же черноногие высмеивали воинов, которые использовали копья с длинными древками. Это полагалось трусостью.

Цитата

The breaks or deep arroyas and numerous ravines in the prairie were full of Indians, hastening to the level ground beyond, to guard against surprise, there to keep up the rapid circling, firing, and falling back as before. 

 

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Нужный кусок наконец-то открыли в более позднем издании, которое поминалось ранее - Capt. R. G. Carter. On the Border with Mackenzie: or, Winning West Texas

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Но в целом - там ничего особо интересного не добавилось.

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Добавка - на hathitrust. On the border with Mackenzie; or, Winning West Texas from the Comanches.

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Schapera Isaac. The Khoisan Peoples of Soulh Africa. 1930.

Война у готтентотов (кой) тут. Оружие - тут. Отдельно - кровная месть, тут.

Цитата

These wars do not seem to have been attended with much loss of life. The weapons employed were the same as those used in hunting - the spear, bow and arrow, and the kirri. Before commencing hostilities the injured side might send messengers to their opponents, stating the wrongs of which they complained and demanding adequate satisfaflion. If this was refused, all the men of the tribe, under the leadership of their chief, would meet at some appointed place, proceed without further delay into the enemy’s territory. As a rule, however, they preferred to attack by surprise, in order not to allow their opponents time enough to drive their cattle into security. They seized upon all the men, women and cattle that came in their way, and then returned with their booty before they could be attacked. Often enough they would swoop down upon the kraals, as in one of many similar recorded instances where a band of Little Namaqua and Chariguriqua attacked a Kochoqua kraal near Saldanha Bay, killed the chief and as many of the men as they could get hold of, and carried of women, children, and cattle as booty.


If the enemy was prepared to receive them, both sides would first shoot at one another from a distance with their arrows, and then as the one showed signs of weakening the other would close up and the battle resolve itself into a disorder of hand-to-hand fights with the kirri and the spear. Sometimes the fighting-oxen would accompany the men, and when the chief thought the moment opportune, the beasts, goaded to fury, would be driven into the weakest ranks of the enemy, and in the havoc that ensued victory was assured.


One such battle as a rule ended the war. As soon as victory was obtained, the conquerors withdrew with their booty, and the defeated enemy, on coming together again, would send messengers to negotiate for peace and to make any necessary concessions. After the foundation of the Dutch settlement the praftice developed of requesting its commander to mediate in such cases, which for reasons of policy he was always willing to do; but Graevenbroeck describes a peace-making ceremony which he says was observed in fixed form among the Hottentots themselves. 

Цитата

Firearms and the horse naturally made a tremendous difference to Hottentot methods of fighting. In their wars amongst themselves, against the OvaHerero and later against the Germans, the Naman were able to conduft campaigns often protrafted over several months or even a year or more. Their strength lay in guerilla warfare, to which the nature of their country readily lent itself.

Цитата

Their raiding expeditions, as illustrated in the many successful descents made by Hendrik Witbooi upon the QvaHerero, were carried out with great skill and remarkable swiftness. He issued direftions for the undertaking proposed only on the evening before he planned to set out. Then by forced marches he covered in two days the hundred miles or so lying between him and the Hereto territory, after causing deliberately false reports as to the object of his expedition to be circulated among the OvaHerero. With overwhelming force he fell at dawn on their scattered villages, swept through a number of cattle posts, whose herdsmen were defenceless before his superior might, and drove away the cattle. This he did with remarkable adroitness, considering the great numbers he lifted. One of his men would give a penetrating whistle, whereupon the cattle were surrounded and driven sharply in a certain direftion. Then one or two horsemen placed themselves at the head of the herds and conduced them without rest along a route well known to them; and then, joined by several more horsemen and the bulk of the men on foot, the cattle were escorted in forced marches by the most direft route to Hoornkranz, the headquarters of the tribe. Most of the horsemen remained behind to keep back the OvaHerero who in the meanwhile had gathered together. In regulating these retirements Hendrik was a real master, and he seldom made a mistake. If there was a biggish village in the vicinity, he would keep its inhabitants engaged until he knew that the stolen cattle had been dri ven far ahead; then he disappeared as swiftly as he had descended, and he always flung obstacles in the way of pursuit.


In retreat small parties were often posted at various spots to check the advance of the enemy; or, if the country was flat, the grass was set on fire, and the men disappeared behind the clouds of smoke. There was no orderly withdrawal. After a defeat the troops would scatter apart, to come together again later in small bands. The appointed place of assembly was not direftly in line with the scene of battle, but to the side, sometimes even to the rear of the enemy. Their knowledge of the place and their colour, as well as their swiftness on horse or on foot, enabled the Hottentots to find security; sometimes they even hid in the immediate vicinity, and they always, if possible, fled over stony ground, so as to avoid leaving tracks. At best the enemy might see in the distance horsemen and those on foot scattered over a wide surface between bushes and rocks ; almost immediately afterwards all had disappeared, and effective pursuit was seldom possible.

Цитата

Big game, such as elephants, rhinoceros, and giraffe, were often directly attacked in the open. These animals, as well as elands and quaggas, were hunted by large parties of men armed with spears; and when the wounded animal turned upon its assailant, other spears were hurled against it from behind; as it faced about to ward off the new danger, a renewed attack was made upon it from the rear so that it was constantly kept at bay until, exhausted by its wounds, it fell helpless to the ground. Or when wild animals had raided the herds and the flocks, all the men of the kraal would unite in a drive hunt, dividing themselves into bands to discover the haunts of the animal they wished to destroy. On finding its retreat they formed a circle round it, closing in till they came within bowshot; then, after wounding the animal with their arrows, they were able to come up and dispatch it with the spear.

Цитата

Sometimes large hunting parlies are organized, when nearly all the men of a kraal leave in their wagons, with plenty of ammunition and their hunting horses, trusting to the success of the expedition for subsistence while away. Large sections of the country are partially invested, animals of all descriptions brought within a comparatively limited space, and great quantities shot. The flesh is then cut up into thin slices, sprinkled witli salt, and dried in the shade and wind; and after several weeks have been passed in the veld, the huntsmen return with their wagons loaded with the dried flesh of the ostrich, zebra, and various kinds of antelope, which afford food to the whole kraal for a considerable time

 

Peter Kolb. Caput Bonae Spei hodiernum. 1719 Тут

Цитата

Diese Kriege mögen geführet werden, wieder wem sie wollen, und wie sie auch immer beschaffen seyn mögen, so wird ganz und gar keine Ordnung dabey bezobachtet; nachdem sie nicht in Reyhen und Gliedern stehen bleiben, als unsere Soldaten thun müssen, viel weniger dürffen sie wenn einer fäller, wieder hervor tretten, und des gefallenen Stelle ergän hen; sondern sie sind in beständiger Bewegung, und gleich ich vormals bey ihrer Jagd, auch andern Exerciten gefaget, lauffen sie bald hier bald dort hin. Sie haben ihre Pfeile und Hassgayen beständig in der Hand, bis sie endlich ihren Zweck zu erreichen dencken, und los drücken oder zuwerffen; da immittelst andere die Bakkeley Ochsen beständig hin und her jagen auch sie so toll machen, das sie mehr Menschen mit ihren Hörnera zu schanden richten und über den Hauffen stossen, als sonsten von einigen ihrem Gewehr bleiben würde.

Английский перевод - The Present State of the Cape of Good Hope. 1731 Тут

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О боевых быках готтентотов. Bakkeley-Ochsen / Fecht-Ochsen. Тут и тут

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Еще английское издание - тут

Французский - тут

 

The early Cape Hottentots described in the writings of Olfert Dapper (1668), Willem ten Rhyne (1686) and Johannes Gulielmus de Grevenbroek (1695). 1933 Тут

Особенно - вот, J. G. de Grevenbroek. Gentis Hottentotten nuncupatae descriptio. 1695. Указано использование плащей в качестве эрзац-щитов. И аналогичное использование скота, Шапера приводит для сравнения цитату из Барроса о схватке португальцев с готтентотами в 1510-м, там последние тоже прятались за КРС.

Цитата

... having called their cattle, which are accustomed to this kind of warfare, began to whistle to them and make signs by which they guide them, so that forming into a squadron, and sheltered by the cattle, they attacked our men with wooden darts hardened by fire. Some fell wounded and were trodden down by the cattle, and as most of them were without shields, their only weapons being lances and swords, in this kind of warfare they could not do much damage to the negroes, who from among the cattle hurled their weapons against our men, which had immediate effect

 

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Jack Hogan. ‘Hardly a Place for a Nervous Old Gentleman to Take a Stroll’: Firearms and the Zulu during the Anglo-Zulu War // A Cultural History of Firearms in the Age of Empire. 2016

Цитата

The Zulu had a specific word for those who had stabbed an enemy in battle, izinxwelera, but, as a symbol, the assegai transcended its narrow military applications and also epitomised political power and unity, an idea embedded in the Zulu saying ‘Umkonto ngo we nkosi!’ or ‘The assegai belongs to the king!’ This symbolism must derive from its central role, from at least the time of Shaka, as the principal weapon in warfare. But while it certainly had a military purpose, the assegai was not only used in war, and imagery of the assegai in hunting was transposed onto warfare. Speaking of the Zulu who returned from Isandhlwana, Mpatshana kaSodondo recalled:


"There were many izinxwelera, perhaps 100 or more … for their numbers included those who had stabbed opponents who had already been stabbed by others (hlomula’d); then again those hlomulaing became more numerous by reason of the fact that they had been fghting such formidable opponents, who were like lions, – for it is the custom among us in lion-hunting that the one who hlomula’s first, i.e. after the first to stab, gets a leg, the second gets a foreleg, whilst the last gets the head. This custom was observed in regard to Isandlwana because it was recognised that fighting against such a foe and killing some of them was of the same high grade as lion-hunting".

Цитата

Mpatshana kaSodondo, Wright and de B. Webb (eds), JSA vol. 3, pp. 303–304.

 

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      Manzano Moreno. El asentamiento y la organización de los yund-s sirios en al-Andalus // Al-Qantara: Revista de estudios arabes, vol. XIV, fasc. 2 (1993), p. 327-359
      Amitai, Reuven. Foot Soldiers, Militiamen and Volunteers in the Early Mamluk Army // Texts, Documents and Artifacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D.S. Richards. Leiden: Brill, 2003
      Reuven Amitai. The Resolution of the Mongol-Mamluk War // Mongols, Turks, and others : Eurasian nomads and the sedentary world. 2005
      Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
      Harold W. Glidden. A Note on Early Arabian Military Organization // Journal of the American Oriental Society,  Vol. 56, No. 1 (Mar., 1936)
      Athamina, Khalil. Some administrative, military and socio-political aspects of early Muslim Egypt // War and society in the eastern Mediterranean, 7th-15th centuries. 1997
      Vincent Lagardère. Esquisse de l'organisation militaire des Murabitun, à l'époque de Yusuf b. Tasfin, 430 H/1039 à 500 H/1106 // Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée. Année 1979.  №27 Тут
       
      Kennedy, Hugh. The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State Warfare and History. 2001
      Blankinship, Khalid Yahya. The End of the Jihâd State: The Reign of Hisham Ibn Àbd Al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads. 1994.
      D.G. Tor. Violent Order: Religious Warfare, Chivalry, and the 'Ayyar Phenomenon in the Medieval Islamic World. 2007
      Michael Bonner. Aristocratic Violence and Holy War. Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier. 1996
      Patricia Crone. Slaves on Horses. The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. 1980
      Hamblin W. J. The Fatimid Army During the Early Crusades. 1985
      Daniel Pipes. Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System. 1981
      Yaacov Lev. State and society in Fatimid Egypt. 1991 Тут
      Abbès Zouache. Armées et combats en Syrie de 491/ 1098 à 569/ 1174 : analyse comparée des chroniques médiévales latines et arabes. 2008 Тут
      War, technology and society in the Middle East. 1975 Тут
       
      P.S. Большую часть работ Николя в список вносить не стал - его и так все знают. Пишет хорошо, читать все. Часто пространные главы про армиям мусульманского Леванта есть в литературе по Крестовым походам. Хоть в R.C. Smail. Crusading Warfare 1097-1193, хоть в Steven Tibble. The Crusader Armies: 1099-1187 (!)...
    • Военная мысль конца 19 - начала 20 века.
      Автор: hoplit
      Военная мысль конца 19 - начала 20 века. 
      Статьи. Пехота.
      - Chad R. Gaudet. Baptisms of Fire: How Training, Equipment, and Ideas about the Nation Shaped the British, French, and German Soldiers' Experiences of War in 1914.. 2009.
      - Joseph C. Arnold. French Tactical Doctrine 1870-1914 // Military Affairs,  Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1978), pp. 61-67.
      - Steven Jackman. Shoulder to Shoulder: Close Control and “Old Prussian Drill” in German Offensive Infantry Tactics, 1871–1914 // The Journal of Military History, Volume 68, Number 1, January 2004, pp. 73-104.
      - Jonathan M. House. The Decisive Attack: A New Look at French Infantry Tactics on the Eve of World War I // Military Affairs,  Vol. 40, No. 4 (Dec., 1976), pp. 164-169.
      - Geoffrey Wawro. An "Army of Pigs": The Technical, Social, and Political Bases of Austrian Shock Tactics, 1859-
      1866 // The Journal of Military History,  Vol. 59, No. 3 (Jul., 1995), pp. 407-433.
      - T. H. E. Travers. The Offensive and the Problem of Innovation in British Military Thought 1870-1915 //  Journal of Contemporary History,  Vol. 13, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 531-553.
      - Spencer Jones, The Influence of the Boer War (1899–1902) on the Tactical Development of the Regular British Army 1902–1914. 2009.
      - John K. Mahon. Civil War Infantry Assault Tactics // Military Affairs,  Vol. 25, No. 2, Civil War Issue (Summer, 1961), pp. 57-68.
      - Thomas A. Bruno. Ignoring the Obvious: Combined Arms and Fire and Maneuver Tactics Prior to World War I. 2002.
      - О.Р. Кушнир. «Гуманные убийцы» (О взглядах начала XX века на поражающую способность винтовочных пуль) // Война и оружие. 2014.  Сс. 503-517.
    • Военное дело аборигенов Филиппинских островов.
      Автор: hoplit
      Laura Lee Junker. Warrior burials and the nature of warfare in pre-Hispanic Philippine chiefdoms //  Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 27, No. 1/2, SPECIAL ISSUE: NEW EXCAVATION, ANALYSIS AND PREHISTORICAL INTERPRETATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY (March/June 1999), pp. 24-58.
      Jose Amiel Angeles. The Battle of Mactan and the Indegenous Discourse on War // Philippine Studies vol. 55, no. 1 (2007): 3–52.
      Victor Lieberman. Some Comparative Thoughts on Premodern Southeast Asian Warfare //  Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,  Vol. 46, No. 2, Aspects of Warfare in Premodern Southeast Asia (2003), pp. 215-225.
      Robert J. Antony. Turbulent Waters: Sea Raiding in Early Modern South East Asia // The Mariner’s Mirror 99:1 (February 2013), 23–38.
       
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Modes of Social Action in Armed Combat: Affect, Tradition and Reason in Tausug Private Warfare // Man New Series, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 586-596
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Reciprocity and Revenge in the Philippines: Some Preliminary Remarks about the Tausug of Jolo // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 16, No. 3/4 (JULY-OCTOBER, 1968), pp. 124-131
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Parrang Sabbil: Ritual suicide among the Tausug of Jolo // Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Deel 129, 1ste Afl., ANTHROPOLOGICA XV (1973), pp. 108-123
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Institutionalized Friendship and Warfare among the Tausug of Jolo // Ethnology. Vol. 7, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 225-244
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Power, Politics and Guns in Jolo: The Influence of Modern Weapons on Tao-Sug Legal and Economic Institutions // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 15, No. 1/2, Proceedings of the Fifth Visayas-Mindanao Convention: Philippine Sociological Society May 1-2, 1967 (JANUARY-APRIL, 1967), pp. 21-29
      Armando L. Tan. Shame, Reciprocity and Revenge: Some Reflections on the Ideological Basis of Tausug Conflict // Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 9, No. 4 (December 1981), pp. 294-300.
       
      Linda A. Newson. Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines. 2009.
      William Henry Scott. Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. 1994.
      Laura Lee Junker. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms. 1999.
      Vic Hurley. Swish Of The Kris: The Story Of The Moros. 1936. 
       
      Peter Bellwood. First Islanders. Prehistory and Human Migration in Island Southeast Asia. 2017
      Peter S. Bellwood. The Austronesians. Historical and Comparative Perspectives. 2006 (1995)
      Peter Bellwood. Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago. 2007 (первое издание - 1985, переработанное издание - 1997, это второе издание переработанного издания).
      Kirch, Patrick Vinton. On the Road of the Winds. An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands. 2017. Это второе издание, расширенное и переработанное.
      Marshall David Sahlins. Social stratification in Polynesia. 1958 Тут.
      D. K. Feil. The evolution of highland Papua New Guinea societies. 1987