hoplit

"Примитивная война".

54 posts in this topic

Андрей там был по этому поводу лет 5 назад (не знаю, Нагаленд или нет, он говорил, что между двумя городами горная гряда и пустыня). Спросить долго не смогу - он куда-то уехал опять и насколько.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Бразилия, 16 век.

Jean de Léry. Histoire d'un voyage fait en la Terre du Bresil, autrement dite Amerique.1578 

Издание на "архивах" - битва в главе XIV

Два латинских издания - 1586 года и 1594 года.

Английское издание 1993 года - History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil.

 

Аналогично - Ангола, 16 век. Пигафетта - тут и тут. При этом - если у тупи еще "непонятно что" в плане общества, то в Анголе - уже "царства" Конго, Ндонго...

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Из "Описания сибирских народов" Миллера.

Цитата

У лесных а тунгусов часто происходят схватки между собой. Если один убьет другого, то весь род, к которому принадлежит убитый, встает на его сторону, снаряжается на войну и требует удовлетворения. Если обвиняемая сторона признает свою вину и готова дать удовлетворение, то они договариваются о головщине, которая обычно состоит из одной или двух девушек и нескольких оленей. Если же нет, то дело доходит до настоящей войны. Весь род обвиняемого, считающего себя невиновным, также встает на его сторону, а иногда бывает и так, что каждая сторона призывает еще на помощь другие соседние тунгусские роды.

Их вооружение - это, прежде всего, луки и стрелы, но, кроме того, они носят еще и панцири, которые закрывают всю левую сторону, поскольку она подвержена выстрелу, как сзади, так и спереди до колен. Эти панцири составлены из многочисленных закрепленных на коже тонких железных бляшек, каждая из которых имеет несколько вершков 4 в длину и всего четверть вершка в ширину. Они соединяются между собой в ряды при помощи ремней таким образом, что свисают в длину вдоль тела. Один ряд закрепляется над другим так, что верхний ряд покрывает верхний край нижнего; для удобства скрепления и соединения бляшки по каждому краю сторон снабжены тремя отверстиями сверху и снизу. Через такой полупанцирь просовывается левая рука, а для большей ее защиты они закрепляют на плече деревянную дощечку, покрывающую руку до локтя и подвижную как крыло, так что она не мешает движениям руки. Точно так же они защищают затылок и плечи деревянными дощечками, закрепленными на панцире и на шее. На голове они носят округлую и слегка заостренную шапку, покрытую, как и панцирь, мелкими железными бляшками. У некоторых имеются и полные панцири, которые облегают все тело и делаются по образцу вышеописанных, но только их делают несколько более короткими, чтобы они не были таким тяжелыми.

А уж когда дело доходит до нападения, то одна партия тунгусов выступает против другой в боевом порядке. Однако они редко подходят друг к другу ближе, чем на лучной перестрел, и действуют только стрелами, не переходя к рукопашной схватке. Но стрельба бывает очень горячей и обычно обиженная сторона не уступает до тех пор, пока противная не запросит о переговорах. В знак этого сторона, предлагающая переговоры, выпускает несколько болтовидных стрел, и как только их увидят на другой стороне в, так вступает в силу перемирие, и вырабатываются условия, которыми совершенно так же, как если бы и не было войны, устанавливается головщина.

Тунгусы в стычках между собой применяют по большей части долотовидные стрелы.

У чукчей и олюторских коряков имеются панцири, составленные из скрепленных попеременно пластинок моржового зуба 8 и китового уса. Однако военные приемы этих народов отличаются от вышеописанных тунгусских в том отношении, что они не выступают против своих врагов в организованном порядке, как и не дают ему времени подготовиться к правильной обороне. Они постоянно ведут войны, как с русскими, так и с находящимися в повиновении русским прочими коряками. Но их нападения всегда совершенно неожиданны, а совершаемые ими убийства или захваты в плен, поджоги жилищ после того, как имущество разграблено, - все это они делают самым поспешным образом и затем опять возвращаются. О них говорят, что у них есть следующее обыкновение, благоприятное для противника: если они во время кампании однажды пролили кровь, то они уже не продолжают поход, и полагают, что они давно разрушили бы Анадырский острог и три острога по Колыме, если бы их не удерживало от этого упомянутое суеверие.

I: Самоеды (юраки) часто воюют с другими самоедскими племенами, но обе стороны не выступают в поле друг против друга, а лишь совершают быстрые набеги и удирают обратно. Они по большей части выпускают стрелы вверх, так, что они описывают дугу, прежде чем попасть в цель, и при этом редко дают промах.

Пример олюторской крепости в Большом посаде, захваченной якутским ж дворянином Петровым.

Камчадальские остроги.

О ведении войны у калмыков см.: Witsen p[agina] 294 s[equens] и p[agina] 306. Штандарты из коровьих хвостов- ibid[em] 16 p[agina] 242 з,.

Ловкость Казачьей орды в поворотах при стычках, которыми они уклоняются от стрел. Их жестокость, проявляющаяся в том, что они убивают всех, кто не пригоден им в качестве пленных-взрослых мужчин, старых женщин и совсем маленьких несмышленых детей. А молодых женщин, девушек и мальчиков они всегда берут в качестве пленных. Они обычно подстерегают русских во время жатвы, чтобы застигнуть их на лугах и полях. Им самим, в свою очередь, наибольший урон всегда наносился на исходе зимы, так как тогда их лошади обессилены, а у них самих нет такого количества пищи, как летом.

Когда тунгусы на Нижней Тунгуске и Подкаменной Тунгуске идут в бой друг против друга, они зажигают на расстоянии 20-30 саженей два больших костра, которые они называют Golun. В середину между этими двумя кострами от обеих сторон выходят два шамана и совершают свои обычные камлания с битьем в бубен и вызыванием чертей, чтобы с их помощью одержать победу. Эти шаманы во время своего шаманства в момент наивысшего возбуждения хватают друг друга и начинают бороться, и та партия, шаман которой уложил своего противника на землю, тем самым ободряется и твердо верит, что победа от нее не уйдет. Как только камлание заканчивается, начинается бой, при этом каждая сторона остается позади своего костра, и они бьют друг друга только посредством стрельбы из луков, не вступая в рукопашную.

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Это описание тунгусского панциря я приводил в статье о панцире из Чучжоу в качестве аналогии.

Пока наиболее ранним описанием асимметричного панциря является описание панциря из Чучжоу (XVI в.).

А насчет примитивной войны - из переписки с А.В. Бауло выяснилось, что по Оби ханты и манси вели набеги на нартах, запряженных оленями, пользовались луками, копьями и ножами. В основном, налетали, обстреливали, если противник бежал - грабили имущество, брали в плен женщин и уезжали.

Красивые описания у Ю. Шесталова, по мнению Аркадия Викторовича - это переосмысленные сведения остяцкого эпоса, записанного в конце XIX в. Паткановым. В местах, где Патканов записывал этот эпос, остяки были сильно перемешаны с татарами и имели более развитое военное дело.

А как по мне - так и Тан-Богораз тут мог повлиять, т.к. описание ритуального поединка Красного Корня и Железной Шапки у Шесталова сильно напоминает поединок Ваттана и Рынто у Тан-Богораза.

Сравните у Тан-Богораза:

Цитата

 

При этом новом оскорблении Ваттан взял копье наперевес и, не говоря ни слова, стремительно бросился на противника. Мышеед неподвижно стоял на месте, выставив свое копье навстречу. Деревянный воротник его панциря, стянутый ремнями изнутри, поднялся дыбом /38/ вверх. На белой коже, облекавшей дерево, было нарисовано красной охрой большое солнце, пускавшее от себя крест-накрест четыре длинных луча. На четвероугольном щите, оклеенном кожей и пришитом ремешками к панцирю, пониже воротника, были нарисованы той же краской две человеческие фигуры, сражавшиеся копьями и стрельбой из лука. Одна из фигур была одета в панцирь, изображенный маленькими продольными полосками и снабженный деревянным воротником и щитом. Рисунок имел в виду изобразить преимущество тяжелого вооружения над легким, но можно было, подумать, что он имел к виду именно поединок, происходивший теперь.

Ваттан, однако, не имел никакого намерения разбить свое копье, подобно Мами, о твердый щит противника. Подбегая к Мышееду, он вдруг повернул копье древком к земле и, опираясь на него, сделал такой огромный прыжок, что очутился за спиной противника. Панцирный воин повернулся на месте и опять подставил противнику копье. Раздался резкий стук столкнувшегося дерева, потом копья разделились снова, отталкиваемые упругостью удара. Еще несколько ударов было нанесено и отражено без всякого результата. Копье Ваттана было короче, но гораздо толще, чем у противника, ибо в лесах, у родной реки он заботливо подобрал себе древко по руке. Напротив, Мышееды на безлесной тундре не могли быть очень разборчивыми к качеству дерева. Это составляло важное преимущество, ибо отражение производилось чаще всего древком. Тяжелое вооружение Мышееда, кроме того, не представляло большой выгоды при битве на копьях, ибо стесняло свободу движений. Оно соответствовало больше всего лучной стрельбе, при которой нужна была защита для тела, и возможность спокойно прицеливаться и посылать стрелу.

Битва продолжалась без перевеса в чью-либо сторону. Ваттан, с детства искусившийся во всех хитростях копийного боя, вился вокруг тяжело вооруженного противника, как волк вокруг росомахи, но Мышеед спокойно поворачивался во все стороны, подставляя противнику щит и конец копья. Слабые роговые наконечники требовали осторожности в нанесении ударов, чтобы не испортить лезвия, Ваттаи все высматривал слабое место /39/ в вооружении противника, какой-нибудь шов или щель, удобную для решительного удара, но броня была плотно стянута ремешками и представляла несокрушимую поверхность сзади и спереди. Наконец Ваттан в десятый раз бросился на противника и, поднимая копье вверх, сделал новый прыжок, показывая вид, что хочет нанести навесный удар, через деревянную защиту ворота. Такие удары были возможны при удачном прыжке, особенно против малорослого противника, но огромный Мышеед возвышался на месте как башня, и поразить его в голову можно было разве с высокого холма.

Тем не менее, чтобы отбить нападение, Мышеед тоже наставил копье вверх, и левая его рука поднялась так высоко, что обнаружила вырез брони, проходивший под мышкой. Ваттан тотчас же опустил копье и направил страшный удар в обнаженное место. Но Мышеед вовремя повернулся и подставил щит. Копье с треском ударилось в твердую доску. Крепкий роговый наконечник, вываренный в тюленьем жиру и входивший на полторы пяди в гнездо древка, обмотанный поверх дерева сухожилиями оленьих ног, крепкими и тонкими, как проволока, вонзился в дерево щита с такой силой, что оно дало трещину на том самом месте, где приходился щит, принадлежавший панцирному воину нарисованной группы. Товарищи Ваттана испустили одобрительный крик, принимая такой удар за счастливое предзнаменование. Однако перевес был скорее на стороне Мышееда. Наконечник Ваттанова копья застрял в щите. Пользуясь этим, Мышеед нагнулся вперед и, протянув свое длинное копье, попытался достать незащищенную грудь противника. Ваттан сильно дернул свое копье и отскочил в сторону: конец рогового лезвия хрустнул и наконечник вышел из щита. Копье Мышееда, однако, успело уколоть Ваттана в плечо и, прорезав одежду, нанести неглубокую, но чувстительную рану. Ваттан почувствовал, что тонкий мех его исподней рубахи смачивается кровью, вытекающей из разреза. Внезапно повернув свое копье тупой стороной вперед и действуя им как дубиной, он нанес удар по копью противника вне всяких правил, но с такой силой, что наконечник его ткнулся в землю и жидкое древко сломалось пополам. /40/

Пользуясь внезапным преимуществом, Ваттан подскочил к обезоруженному Мышееду и, не надеясь на роговое лезвие, просто продвинул копье между ног противника, действуя им как рычагом, и, упираясь о собственное бедро, свалил на землю. Мышеед, падая, с силою ударился о рубец собственного воротника. Связи воротника лопнули. Кровь хлынула у него из носу и потекла по грязным щекам и короткой черной бороде. 

 

И у Шесталова:

Цитата

 

Старик Сас важно преподнес ему деревянное копье с костяным наконечником. Кто-то кинул в руки щит. Щит был деревянный, обтянутый кожей. Посреди щита сияло солнце, пускавшее во все стороны металлические лучи-стрелы.

(следует описание ставок между Красным Корнем и Железной Шапкой - на револьвер и пленных большевиков, ср. у Рынто и Ваттана также были ставки - на пленных и стальной танто)

Красный Корень выставил вперед щит, медленно стал приподымать копье. Один он знал, что щит князя был более надежным и крепким. Он был отчеканен из толстой жести, хотя, как у всех, был тоже обтянут кожей. Разбивать свое копье о более належный щит не было смысла.

Да и сам Железная Шапка был облачен в надежный панцирь, доставшийся ему от предков-воинов.

Тогда легко и просто одетый Красный Корень - на нем был свободный кувсь (тип кухлянки) из меха молодого оленя -  уперев копье древком в землю, оттолкнулся им и полетел, как птица, мигом оказавшись за спиной соперника.

Но нанести удар ему не удалось. Железная Шапка успел развернуться и подставить копье. Резкий стук копий, звон щитов, возгласы толпы. Долго бились. Но никто не побеждал. Красный Корень вился вокруг соперника, как волк вокруг росомахи. Тяжелое вооружение Железной Шапки мешало битве на копьях. Но он все же уверенно поворачивался во все стороны, вовремя подставляя под удары свой железный щит и копье с настоящим металлическим наконечником.

Чтобы не испортить слабого рогового наконечника своего копья, Красному Корню приходилось долго маневрировать, чтобы высмотреть уязвимое место противника.

(идеологическая вставка, что Красный Корень - бывший красноармеец, поэтому он настоящий воин, а не зажравшийся князь)

И все же Красному Корню было сегодня нелегко. Одетый в панцирь и шлем, защищенный надежным щитом, князь стоял, как башня. Однако Красный Корень все-таки обнаружил уязвимое место в его броне, под мышкой. Он в тот же миг направил страшный удар в обнаженное место. Но противник вовремя повернулся и подставил щит.

Сторонники Красного Корня издали одобрительные возгласы, принимая удар за доброе предзнаменование. Однако ликовать было рано. Копье, ударившись о твердь щита, отскочило назад. И в этот миг Железная Шапка, размахнувшись своим копьем, попытался достать им слабо защищенную грудь противника. Красный Корень едва увернулся. И все же копье успело уколоть его в плечо и, пронзив одежду, нанести глубокую рану. Особой боли он не ощутил, но почувствовал, как побежали теплые струи крови, как рубаха стала липнуть к телу. Теперь издали возглас одобрения сторонники Железной Шапки. Но Красный Корень не растерялся. Повернув копье тупой стороной вперед и орудуя им как дубиной, он нанес удар по копью Железной Шапки. Удар был такой силы, что копье противника отлетело в сторону.

И в тот же миг, продев свое копье между ног противника и орудуя им как рычагом, упираясь о собственное тело, Красный Корень свалил Железную Шапку наземь!

 

Если Шесталов не скоммуниздил это описание у Тан-Богораза - я, минимум, Лев Давидович Троцкий!

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Как видите, совпадает все - роговые наконечники, которые ломаются о дерево, солнце на щите (правда, поменялось местами у хорошего с плохим), меховая одежда против тяжелого вооружения, ранение в плечо, стиль боя, применение копья как рычага ...

ИМХО, это называется "молча спросил".

Вот бой Красного Корня с Железной Шапкой по обложке книги (с небольшими изменениями картинка есть в самой книге - там фигуры стоят подальше друг от друга, и вокруг люди, и не цветная, а сине-серая, в стиле всех иллюстраций):

468692_original.thumb.jpg.5a791fd4782bc9

Вот Ваттан оскорбляет мышеедов, вызывая на бой Рынто:

Vosem_plemen.jpg.05501ee41127089645eb85f

Ну и настоящие чукчи-мышееды:

447a709bdecd80e962cbf8656178a109_b1f5255

Шесталов тут промахнулся - то вооружение, которое на Железной Шапке, не могло ему сильно помешать биться копьем, т.к. это была кольчуга, купленная предками у русских. А вот чукотский асимметричный панцирь с крылом - тот да, более пригоден для стрельбы из лука. Хотя китайские воины из Чучжоу использовали его именно для боя копьями. Причем, по китайской традиции, активного боя, а не просто стояния со склоненными в сторону врага древками.

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Кстати, в 1994-1997 гг. раскопали крепость, идентифицированную как Эмдер вогульских легенд, записанных С.К. Паткановым.

Среди находок - небольшая ритуальная личина из белой бронзы, изображающая голову воина в шлеме. Шлем с наносником и полумаской.

Фото нет - надо раздирать PDF статьи, где приводится прорисовка.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Этого добра очень много навалом. У них практически единый комплекс вооружения с чукчами (да и по языку они - родственные народы).

У меня даже tесть подозрение, что Рынто - это чукча-анкалин (т.н. береговой), а Ваттан - это как раз коряк, хотя в трактовках указывают, что это мол, южный чукча.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Как я и говорил, чукотско-корякский комплекс вооружения примерно одинаков - скажем, вот из книги Нефедкина чукча в панцире:

1403218_5.jpg.b56bf851ef821fa92bcd01754d

Как говорится, стоит сильно потрудиться, чтобы найти 10 отличий.

Но это ладно. Черт с ними, мышеедами из Тельпекской тундры. А вот снова вижу указания "Интернет-специалистов" о том, что в 1947 г. была очередная война чукчей с эскимосами, и только дипломатические усилия СССР не довели дело до большой войны.

Я писал по этому поводу Нефедкину - он ответил, что, в лучшем случае, была какая-то драка, которую выдают за "очередное чукче-эскимосское столкновение", но вряд ли что-то большее.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
1 час назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Как говорится, стоит сильно потрудиться, чтобы найти 10 отличий.

Одно сразу видно. =) Тут ламинар, а у коряков ламилляры. Кстати - по ссылке выше у чукчи тоже ламинарный панцирь.

 

1 час назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Но это ладно. Черт с ними, мышеедами из Тельпекской тундры. А вот снова вижу указания "Интернет-специалистов" о том, что в 1947 г. была очередная война чукчей с эскимосами, и только дипломатические усилия СССР не довели дело до большой войны.

Я писал по этому поводу Нефедкину - он ответил, что, в лучшем случае, была какая-то драка, которую выдают за "очередное чукче-эскимосское столкновение", но вряд ли что-то большее.

Проще забить. Каков запрос - таково и предложение. Это читают те, кому все равно - что читать. 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
12 часа назад, hoplit сказал:

Одно сразу видно. =) Тут ламинар, а у коряков ламилляры. Кстати - по ссылке выше у чукчи тоже ламинарный панцирь.

Ламинарная конструкция в настоящее время считается ошибкой. Но устоявшейся. Считается, что введение этого термина - неправильная интерпретация иконографических источников, не сильно коррелирующая с реальными образцами.

Это, по сути, мелкие пластинки (те же ламели), но дополнительно они могут быть сошнурованы в ленту (как на японских доспехах), которые соединяются между собой, но это - все равно мелкопластинчатый доспех.

Настоящими ламинарными конструкциями лично я счел бы имитационные поздние японские доспехи, когда делается лента из лакированной кожи, верхний край которой подрезан для имитации ламелей (кодзанэ), поверхность тисненая для тех же целей, и уже эти длинные ленты сошнурованы между собой. 

Но это очень поздние доспехи - периода Эдо, не боевые. И я счел бы их имитацией (ни одни не имеют боевых повреждений, раннее бытование не отмечено археологией).

Еще к ламинарным конструкциям я с некоторой натяжкой отнес бы японские кирасы, склепанные из широких стальных пластин, но, тут уже как смотреть - или как на разновидность фулл-плэйт по эффекту и назначению, или как на ламинарную конструкцию по способу ее создания.

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Не поленился - залез в Нефедкинское "Военное дело чукчей". Он атрибуирует этот доспех как ламеллярный:

CHukotskiy_lamellyar_(Nefedkin).jpg.ac49

Nefedkin (1).pdf

Ламинарные у него - совершенно простые, из широких лент кожи моржа или лахтака.

Но! Он к ламинарке, по традиции, идущей от Горелика, относит разрисовку панциря согдийского/тюркского воина, нарисованного на щите из Кала-и Муг.

А, собственно, известно, что ламеллярная конструкция там была известна, а ламинарная строится только на основании интерпретации иконографии, не находящей подтверждения в археологии от слова "совсем".

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
33 минуты назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Настоящими ламинарными конструкциями лично я счел бы имитационные поздние японские доспехи, когда делается лента из лакированной кожи, верхний край которой подрезан для имитации ламелей (кодзанэ), поверхность тисненая для тех же целей, и уже эти длинные ленты сошнурованы между собой. 

Эскимосский доспех в Кунсткамере - ламинар.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
3 минуты назад, hoplit сказал:

Эскимосский доспех в Кунсткамере - ламинар.

К сожалению, у Нефедкина графика ужасная по качеству печати. Но все же видно, ЧТО он имеет в виду под ламинарной конструкцией - это просто лента из кожи, порой двойной толщины (из 2 слоев), порой - из большего количества слоев.

Вот ламинарный доспех из Нефедкина (кстати, по pdf, который я повесил, можно искать по словам):

Laminar_XVIII_v._(Nefedkin).jpg.2089664b

Eskimosskiy_lamelyar_(Nefedkin).jpg.6cb0

Видно, что это просто лента из кожи, а не набранные пластинки. Это очень большая специфика именно этого региона. Не думаю, что согдийцы делали такой же доспех.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Пресловутый щит из Кала-и Муг (ЕМНИП, вешал уже где-то):

image034.thumb.jpg.36514b23536929fcf744d

Сильно сомневаюсь, что это - "ламинар". Если "ламинар", то из чего и как носить такой доспех, если это - металлические полосы?

А влияние поздних японских доспехов с имитацией кодзанэ, и опять-таки, поздних чукотско-эскимосских доспехов (зафиксированы только в XVIII-XIX вв.) на общемировую эволюцию доспехов ничтожно. Они даже в рамках АТР между собой вряд ли взаимодействовали.

Кстати, единственный подтвержденный случай находки японского доспеха на Чукотке (к слову, для сторонников тех, кто падает и бьется в истерике о чукотско-японских связях):

Tan-Bogoraz.jpg.6ff8c3c1934bfd7ee4c15c21

Тут кираса - из склепанных полос металла. Такие же и пластины на кусадзури.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
10 час назад, Чжан Гэда сказал:

К сожалению, у Нефедкина графика ужасная по качеству печати.

Мои фото померли вместе с диском, но вообще его много кто фотографировал.

Kozhanyiy_pantsir.thumb.jpg.a9c70642965d

А это у него в ногах стоит

bfafc5faac8f1bf9c86c8ba525c5a7b5.thumb.j

 

А это - фото чукотского доспеха начала 20 века.

5a5b298e53f13bc43db96c2bc6391e10.thumb.j

В описании экспедиции, ЕМНИП, было интересное указание, что на Северо-Востоке во многих богатых семьях традиционные доспехи держат как память о былых временах. 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Я его не фотографировал - просто видел. Правда, давно - лет 15 назад.

Суть в другом - ламинарная конструкция в данном случае - узколокальная особенность. Просто широкие полосы твердой кожи, скрепленные вместе.

А у чукчей и коряков - скреплялись в ряд мелкие пластинки и потом эти полосы между собой скреплялись. 

Т.е. это ламеллярная конструкция.

Кстати, если пластинки были металлические, то, чтобы не обрезаться об них (сложно, но при известной ловкости возможно) или не порезать ремешки от снаряжения, надеваемые поверх панциря, сверху им могли сделать кожаную накладку.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Louise E. Sweet. Camel Raiding of North Arabian Bedouin: A Mechanism of Ecological Adaptation //  American Antropologist 67, 1965.

Цитата

Their feuds are continual, but at little cost of life; the main object of a raid is booty, not slaughter; and the Bedouin, though a terrible braggart, has at heart little inclination for killing or being killed  . . . His only object in War is the temporary occupation of some bit of miserable pasture-land or the use of a brackish well; perhaps the desire to get such a one’s horse or camel into his possession-all objects which imply little animosity, and, if not attained in the campaign can easily be made up  for in other ways, nor entail the bitterness and cruelty that attend or follow civil and religious strife (Palgrave; 1871: 23).

Цитата

The daily life of the moving sections  of  families  is  not one merely of minding their herds  of  camels. Much of the husbandry with the animals is performed by herdsmen. These may be the younger brothers in the family unit, poor men of the clan or some other clan of the chiefdom, refugees, or poor men from other chiefdoms, or men  of  the “serf” or subordinate tribes. The herdsmen as  a group are distinct from the guards and are non-combatants during raids. The guards patrol the grazing vicinity and form the band of “warriors” who ride together during migration between encampments. There is no explicit evidence, but it appears from the events attending the first raid in which a youth participates, at twelve or a little older, that only those who have raided and comported themselves well ride among the warriors. From this band the guards of the special clan herd are designated by the chief; from it scouts are selected to precede the clan section as it moves, to serve as messengers to ride between chiefs, and as escorts and retinue  of  the chief. The two groups are not necessarily mutually exclusive in membership, however, for a man working as a herdsman may join raiding parties in the hopes of acquiring enough camels to become selfsufficient more rapidly than he could hope to do by accumulating only the annual recompense in kind of  a  herdsman.

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Michael O'Hanlon. Modernity and the `Graphicalization' of Meaning: New Guinea Highland Shield Design in Historical Perspective // The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Vol. 1, No. 3 (Sep., 1995), pp. 469-493

Цитата

While many of the reinvented shields were much as their pre-contact predecessors had been described to me, others showed changes. Some of these were technical. The replacement of stone axes by steel led most men to feel that the older cane mesh was no longer sufficient to protect the shoulder-sling mounting from an axe blow; stouter materials (often pieces of metal) were therefore substituted for cane mesh. By the mid-1980s, a few Wahgi men were experimenting with all-metal shields, often salvaged from pick-up carcasses. A decade before, Enga warriors had tried using corrugated iron shields (serious fighting had resumed much earlier there), but had discarded them since they apparently caused arrows to ricochet so erratically that they endangered men of the shield- bearers' own side (Meggitt 1977: 57). In the Wahgi case, however, metal shields were retained and were in fact produced in increasing numbers. This was partly in anticipation of a radical change in Wahgi warfare - one which was to sweep shields from the South Wall battlefields and to transform their significance in the North - discussed in the next section.

И не только "новые материалы" - еще и новые мотивы в росписи щитов.

Цитата

Many shields from the Senglap subgroup of Gil- galkup, for example, were inscribed 'Six 2 Six', which all over New Guinea generally refers to a 'social', an all-night party, but in the context of warfare became a Gilgalkup boast of their capacity to fight all day long. Other shields included the figure '7', because the shape was said to be similar to that of an axe, and axes symbolized intemecine warfare.

Примеры щитов - тут и тут.

Еще

5828546306_e95eb5e2b6_b.thumb.jpg.3ac76a

1haobpgoh6c21.thumb.jpg.fdb22e5a31b2699c

capture-de28099ecc81cran-2019-05-05-acc8

6a00e54f0014bd883401348551235e970c.thumb

 

images.jpg.dd087dac140d6f488dac7073b63b1

6a00e54f0014bd88340134854d45dc970c.jpg.2

 

И на щитах таки попадаются боевые повреждения...

Цитата

The shield has taken a charge of shotgun pellets; there are also larger holes said to have been made by spears (‘kula’) and arrows (‘opo mongom’). One of the spear thrusts got Koime in the hand - he shows the scar, and a pellet penetrated to catch him on the forehead: again he shows the scar. 

 

Плюс, насколько понимаю, от первой половины 20 века остался "вагон и маленькая тележка" сообщений об броне из ротанга у папуасов

Цитата

... cuirasses of rattan - solid pieces of armour, apparently completely arrow-proof, light and serviceable ...

Цитата

About 400 miles up the river the party met with a tribe wearing a rattan cuirass - shaped armour . It covers the body back and front , and makes an effective defence in bow and arrow warfare . 

Плюс есть сообщения о наручах и поножах. 

Цитата

Each of the hunters wore a rattan gauntlet from wrist to elbow, protection against chafing of the bow - string, and their legs were encased from ankle to knee in gaiters of woven rattan as armour against jungle snakes . 

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

An historical account of the expedition against the Ohio Indians, in the year 1764. Under the command of Henry Bouquet, Esq: colonel of foot, and now brigadier general in America. 1765

Цитата

We will further suppose that he has made the dispositions usual in Europe for a march, or to receive an enemy; and that he is then attacked by the savages. He cannot discover them, tho' from every tree, log or bush, he receives an incessant fire, and observes that few of their shot are lost. He will not hesitate to charge those invisible enemies, but he will charge in vain. For they are as cautious to avoid a close engagement, as indefatigable in harrassing his troops; and notwithstanding all his endeavours, he will still find himself surrounded by a circle of fire, which like an artificial horizon follows him every where.

Unable to rid himself of an enemy who never stands his attacks, and flies when pressed, only to return upon him again with equal agility and vigor; he will see the courage of his heavy troops droop, and their strength at last fail them by repeated and ineffectual efforts.

...

The first, that their general maxim is to surround their enemy.

The second, that they fight scattered, and never in a compact body.

The third, that they never stand their ground when attacked, but immediately give way, to return to the charge.

 

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Carl Lumholtz. Among Cannibals: An Account of Four Years' Travels in Australia and of Camp Life with the Aborigines of Queensland. 1889.

В книге изрядное количество иллюстраций.

Цитата

Borboby

A great borboby was to take place three miles from Herbert Vale. A borboby is a meeting for contest, where the blacks assemble from many "lands" in order to decide their disputes by combat. As I felt a desire to witness this assembly, I asked Jacky if I could accompany him and those who were going with him, and no objection was made.

In the afternoon we all started from Herbert Vale, I on horseback and taking my gun with me. We crossed Herbert river three times, and as we gradually approached the fighting ground we met more and more small tribes who had been lying the whole day in the cool scrubs along the river to gather strength for the impending conflict. All of them, even the women and the children, joined us, except a small company of the former who remained near the river. I learned that these women were not permitted to be present because they had menses. As far as I know, the Australians everywhere regard their women as unclean in such circumstances. In some parts of the continent they are isolated in huts by themselves, and no one will touch a dish which they use; among other tribes a woman in this condition is not permitted to walk over the net which the men are making.

Цитата

Warriors in full dress

All were in their best toilet, for when the blacks are to go to dance or to borboby they decorate themselves as best they can. The preparations take several days, spent in seeking earth colours and wax, which are kept by the most prominent members of the tribe until the day of the contest.

On the forenoon of the borboby day they remain in camp and do not go out hunting, for they are then occupied in decorating themselves. They rub themselves partially or wholly with the red or yellow earth paint; sometimes they besmear their whole body with a mixture of crushed charcoal and fat - as if they were not already black enough! As a rule, they do not mind whether the whole body is painted or not, if only the face has been thoroughly coloured.

Not only do the men but the women also, though in a less degree, paint grotesque figures of red earth and charcoal across their faces. But one of the most important considerations on these solemn occasions is the dressing of the hair. It is filled with beeswax, so that it stands out in large tufts, or at times it has the appearance of a single large cake. They also frequently stick feathers into it. The wax remains there for weeks, until it finally disappears from wear or bathing. This waxed headgear shines and glistens in the sun, and gives them a sort of "polished" exterior. Some of the most "civilised" natives may wear a shirt or a hat. On this occasion two of them were fortunate enough to own old shirts, two others had hats on their heads, while the variegated colour of the body was a substitute for the rest of their attire.

Jacky was the best dressed fellow of the lot. His suit consisted of a white and, strange to say, clean body of a dress that had previously belonged to a woman. How he had obtained it in this part of the country was a mystery to me. As he was stoutly built, this product of civilisation looked like a strait-waistcoat, and threatened every moment to burst in the back. He strutted about among his comrades majestically, with a sense of being far removed above the"myall" (the mob). Two of the natives distinguished themselves by being painted yellow over the whole body except the hair. This was thought to be a very imposing attire, especially calculated to inspire fear.

Цитата

Swords and shields

All the natives were armed. They had quantities of spears, whole bundles of nulla-nullas and boomerangs, besides their large wooden shields and wooden swords. The shield, which reaches to a man's hip and is about half as wide as it is long, is made of a kind of light fig-tree wood. It is oval, massive, and slightly convex. In the centre, on the front side, there is a sort of shield-boss, the inner side being nearly flat. When the native holds this shield in his left hand before him, the greater part of his body is protected. The front is painted in a grotesque and effective manner with red, white, and yellow earth colours, and is divided into fields which, wonderfully enough, differ in each man's shield, and thus constitute his coat of arms.

The wooden sword, the necessary companion of the shield, is about five inches wide up to the point, which is slightly rounded, and usually reaches from the foot to the shoulder. It is made of hard wood, with a short handle for only one hand, and is so heavy that any one not used to it can scarcely balance it perpendicularly with half-extended arm - the position always adopted before the battle begins.

A couple of hours before sunset we crossed Herbert river for the third time, and landed near a high bank, which it was very difficult for the horse to climb. Here I was surprised to find a very large grassy plain, made, as it were, expressly for a tournament. Immediately in front of me was a tolerably open forest of large gum-trees with white trunks, then a large open space, and beyond it another grove of gum trees. On the west side of the plain was Herbert river, and farther to the west, on the other side of the river, was Sea View Range, behind the summits of which the sun was soon to set. The battlefield was bounded on the east by a high hill clad from base to top with dark green scrubs, which, in the twilight, looked almost black by the side of the fresh bright green of the grass and the white gum-trees. Near the edge of the woods Jacky's men and the savages who had joined us on the road made a brief pause. One of those who had last arrived began to run round in a challenging manner like a man in a rage. He was very tall (about 6 feet 4 inches), and like some of the natives in this neighbourhood, his hair bore a strong resemblance to that of the Papuans, being about a foot and a half long, closely matted together, and standing out in all directions. Shaking this heavy head of hair like a madman, with head and shoulders thrown back, he made long jumps and wild leaps, holding his large wooden sword perpendicularly in front of him in his right hand, and the shield in his left.

When he had run enough to cool his savage warlike ardour he stopped near me. He was so hot that perspiration streamed from him, and the red paint ran in long streaks down his face. Around his head he wore a very beautiful brow-band, for which I offered him a stick of tobacco, and he immediately untied it and gave it to me. It was an extraordinarily neat piece of work, like the finest net, four inches wide, and made of plant fibre forming a delicate and regular texture. The whole was painted red. I saw two others who sold me their brow-bands for tobacco, so that I secured three of these valuable pieces of handiwork.

Meanwhile the enthusiastic warrior from whom I had purchased the first brow-band was again busy taking great leaps; gradually the conversation became more lively, the warlike ardour increased, and all held their weapons in readiness.

Suddenly an old man uttered a terrible war-cry, and swung his bundle of spears over his head. This acted, as it were, like an electric shock on all of them; they at once gathered together, shouted with all their might, and raised their shields with their left hands, swinging swords, spears, boomerangs, and nulla-nullas in the air. Then they all rushed with a savage war-cry through the grove of gum trees and marched by a zigzag route against their enemies, who were standing far away on the other side of the plain. At every new turn they stopped and were silent for a moment, then with a terrific howl started afresh, until at the third turn they stood in the middle of the plain directly opposite their opponents, where they remained.

I fastened up my horse at some distance and followed them as quickly as I could; the women and children also hastened to the scene of conflict. The strange tribes on the other side stood in a group in front of their huts, which were picturesquely situated near the edge of the forest, at the foot of the scrub-clad hill. As soon as our men had halted, three men from the hostile ranks came forward in a threatening manner with shields in their left hands and swords held perpendicularly in their right. Their heads were covered with the elegant yellow and white topknots of the white cockatoos. Each man wore at least forty of these, which were fastened in his hair with beeswax, and gave the head the appearance of a large aster. The three men approached ours very rapidly, running forward with long elastic leaps. Now and then they jumped high in the air like cats, and fell down behind their shields, so well concealed that we saw but little of them above the high grass. This manoeuvre was repeated until they came within about twenty yards from our men; then they halted in an erect position, the large shields before them and the points of their swords resting on the ground, ready for the fight. The large crowd of strange tribes followed them slowly.

Цитата

Fights

Now the duels were to begin; three men came forward from our side and accepted the challenge, the rest remaining quiet for the present.

The common position for challenging is as follows: the shield is held in the left hand, and the sword perpendicularly in the right. But, owing to the weight of the sword, it must be used almost like a blacksmith's sledge-hammer in order to hit the shield of the opponent with full force; the combatant is therefore obliged to let the weapon rest in front on the ground a few moments before the duel begins, when he swings it back and past his head against his opponent. When one of them has made his blow, it is his opponent's turn, and thus they exchange blows until one of them gets tired and gives up, or his shield is cloven, in which case he is regarded as unfit for the fight.

While the first three pairs were fighting, others began to exchange blows. There was no regularity in the fight. The duel usually began with spears, then they came nearer to each other and took to their swords. Sometimes the matter was decided at a distance, boomerangs, nulla-nullas, and spears being thrown against the shields. The natives are exceedingly skilful in parrying, so that they are seldom wounded by the first two kinds of weapons. On the other hand, the spears easily penetrate the shields, and sometimes injure the bearer, who is then regarded as disqualified and must declare himself beaten. There were always some combatants in the field, frequently seven or eight pairs at a time; but the duellists were continually changing.

Цитата

The rights of black women

The women gather up the weapons, and when a warrior has to engage in several duels, his wives continually supply him with weapons. The other women stand and look on, watching the conflict with the greatest attention, for they have much at stake. Many a one changes husbands on that night. As the natives frequently rob each other of their wives, the conflicts arising from this cause are settled by borboby, the victor retaining the woman.

The old women also take part in the fray. They stand behind the combatants with the same kind of sticks as those used for digging up roots. They hold the stick with both hands, beat the ground hard with it, and jump up and down in a state of wild excitement. They cry to the men, egging and urging them on, four or five frequently surrounding one man, and acting as if perfectly mad. The men become more and more excited, perspiration pours from them, and they exert themselves to the utmost.

If one of the men is conquered, the old women gather around him and protect him with their sticks, parrying the sword blows of his opponent, constantly shouting, "Do not kill him, do not kill him!"

In order that the natives might not suspect me of hostile purposes I had, in the presence of all, put my gun against the trunk of a gum-tree hard by, thus at the same time showing them that I was not unarmed. I went to the fighting-ground and took my place among the spectators, consisting chiefly of women. The Kanaka, being a foreigner, felt insecure, and thought it wisest to stay near me. He had borrowed one of Mr. Walters' revolvers at the station, hoping thereby to inspire the blacks with respect; but as it was so rusty and worn that it usually missed fire, he had finally lost all faith in its virtue as a weapon of terror.

With the greatest attention I watched the interesting duels, which lasted only about three-quarters of an hour, but which entertained me more than any performance I ever witnessed. Where the conflict was hottest my friend Jacky stood cool and dignified, and was more than ever conscious of his civilised superiority. The old white body evidently inspired the multitude with awe. Boomerangs and nulla-nullas whizzed about our ears, without however hindering me from watching with interest the passion of these wild children of nature - the desperate exertions of the men, the zeal of the young women, and the foolish rage of the old women, whose discordant voices blended with the din of the weapons, with the dull blows of the swords, with the clang of the nulla-nullas, and with the flight of the boomerangs whizzing through the air. Here all disputes and legal conflicts were settled, not only between tribes but also between individuals. That the lowest races of men do not try to settle their disputes in a more parliamentary manner need not cause any surprise, but it may appear strange to us that aged women take so active a part in the issue of these conflicts.

With the exception of the murder of a member of the same tribe, the aboriginal Australian knows only one crime, and that is theft, and the punishment for violating the right of possession is not inflicted by the community, but by the individual wronged. The thief is challenged by his victim to a duel with wooden swords and shields; and the matter is settled sometimes privately the relatives of both parties serving as witnesses, sometimes publicly at the borboby, where two hundred to three hundred meet from various tribes to decide all their disputes. The victor in the duel wins in the dispute.

 

Ms. H.C. Brayshaw. Aboriginal material culture in the Herbert/Burdekin District : a cultural crossroads? // Lectures on North Queensland history. 1974

 

P.S. Интересно - аналогия с "божьим судом" просматривается. Но только ли с ними? А "судебные ассамблеи" или даже тинг?

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes. Historia general y natural de las Indias.

Английский перевод

Цитата

Some things were made there as in Spain, which must have been taught  by the Indians who went away to the licenciado Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, because they made breeches and buskins, and black gaiters [antiparras] with laces of white hide, and with fringes or edging of colored hide, as if they had been made in Spain. In the temple or oratory of Talimeco, there were breastplates, as well as corselets and helmets, made from raw and hairless hides of cows, and from the same [hides] very good shields

Цитата

Hagíanse alli algunas cosas como de España, que debieran industriar los indios que se le fueron al ligengiado Lúeas Vázquez de Ayllon, porque hagian caigas y borgeguies é antiparras con unos lagos de cuero blanco, y ellas negras, é con pestañas ó gejas de cuero colorado, como si en España se ovieran fecho. En la mezquita ó casa de oragion de Talimeco, avia pectos, como de coseletes y capagetes hechos de cueros de vacas crudos y pelados, y de lo mismo muy buenas rodelas

DeSoto_Map_HRoe_2008.jpg.b4741c80daa922d

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

La Florida Инки Гарсиласо де ла Веги. Первое издание 1605 года. На "архивах" пачка разных, в том числе новые - на Books to Borrow.

Это уже "чистая история", Гарсиласо, в отличие от ранее помянутых персонажей, сам в экспедиции де Сото не участвовал.

Английский перевод 

Цитата

Translated by Charmion Shelby. Edited by David Bost. With Footnotes by Vernon James Knight, Jr.

 

Цитата

These Spaniards set out, and a few steps after they entered the path through the woods they found Indians ready to oppose their passage, but, since the path was so narrow, neither the faithful nor the infidels were able to fight, with the exception of the two leaders of each party. Therefore, placing two of the best-armed Spaniards in the lead with their swords and shields, and two more crossbowmen and harquebusiers behind them, they drove the Indians before them all the way through  the woods, until they came out on the water. 

...

Having examined the crossing well and considered the difficulties found in it, the governor returned with his men to his camp, to plan what must be done on the following day in accordance with what he had seen and learned. Having consulted with the captains regarding the inconvenience and dangers that the passage presented, he ordered a hundred cavalry made ready. These men being better armed than the infantry, they always suffered less injury from arrows. Taking shields and proceeding ahead on foot (because the horses were not needed), they protected a hundred more infantry, including crossbowmen and harquebusiers, who were to follow after them.

На испанском

Soto7.png.b71a51f256cc5408f74373da24e2a7

Soto8.png.70f1d3500856278dd52d99ff11b5e8

Soto9.thumb.png.cf58d3ea397907a7649d4aa0

Если не путаю - тут испанская конница, как лучше вооруженная (читай - бронированная) и защищенная от стрел, спешилась, взяла щиты (ротеллы) и, дословно - "сделалась щитом" (haziendo escudo) для следующей за ней пехоты, среди которой были арбалетчики и аркебузиры.

 

Это довольно обычная испанская тактика в регионе, в том числе при штурме укреплений.

Цитата

The latter seeing the obstacles and the defenses at the pass, the best-armed horsemen dismounted, and armed with swords and shields, and some with axes, they gained the pass and knocked down the palisades and barriers that had been built to prevent the horses from crossing, and their masters from attacking.

Испанский

Soto10.png.77f4b4ab6a03d922b5712c0c9c2b2

У де ла Веги есть еще ряд схожих описаний. 

 

Если правильно понимаю - всадники щиты-ротеллы именно брали, хотя у них могли быть и свои.

Цитата

The mounted patrol was coming out  from the pueblo two by two, with their lances and leather shields, to watch and guard their dwelling.

На испанском

Soto11.png.2ee04e0a26fb483b8b015e8d83260

Ланцы и адарги.

 

Цитата

The curaca Mucoc;o amused himself with Juan de Aiiasco and the  other Spaniards for four days, during which, and in the rest of  the time that  our men were in the pueblo of Hirrihigua, his Indians, going and coming like ants, did not cease to carry to his country everything that the Spaniards had to leave in that pueblo because they were unable to take it with them. There were large quantities of these things, because of cassava alone, which is the bread of that island of Santo Domingo, of Cuba, and the surrounding ones, they had left more than five hundred quintels, besides large numbers of cloaks, coats, doublets, breeches, stockings, and footwear of all kinds - shoes, half boots, and sandals.  Among  the arms were many cuirasses, shields, pikes, lances, and steel helmets, of all of which the governor had brought a great abundance, as he was rich. There were also other things needed for the ships, such  as  sails, rigging, pitch, tow, tallow, ropes, baskets, crates, anchors, and cables; also much  iron  and steel. Although the governor had taken with him  as  many  of  these things  as  he could carry, a large quantity remained, and since Muco,<o was a friend, the Spaniards were glad for them to take them, and his Indians did so and thereby became rich and very pleased.

На испанском

Soto12.png.540a4eeb8013f0a1993e039061bae

Кораци, ротелы, пики, ланцы и морионы

 

Цитата

The Indians charged on them so fiercely and bravely that they knocked Andres de Meneses into the water with four arrow wounds
that they gave him in the region of the genitals and thighs, for, as they saw that most of his body was covered by an oblong shield he carried, they shot at the unprotected part. They also wounded five of those who were with him.

Испанский

Soto13.png.211168d68f10d0546f0f7dda599eb

Испанец закрывался пависой, но... Не очень понятен ее размер - "cuerpo" в том числе и "корпус, грудь", а не только "тело". В принципе - было бы логично. Пависа закрывала грудь, поэтому индейцы стреляли по неприкрытым частям - в бедра и в пах.

 

Цитата

Francisco de Aguilar,  who  was a stronger and more robust man than the others, and being such had defended himself better than the rest, was still alive though he had two arrow wounds, which passed through both  thighs, and many blows over the head and the whole body, which they had given him with bows, because when he closed with the Indians they had used all their arrows, and seeing him alone, they grasped their bows with both hands and gave him such hard blows that they knocked his shield to pieces, only the handles being left.

Тут занятно, что Агуилара лупят луками, так-то среди оружия местных упоминаются боевые дубинки разных конструкций и топорики.

На испанском

Soto14.png.46051df50bfcb73b872271e0bf916

Индейцы взяли луки в обе руки "как большие дубины"/tan grandes palos, если не путаю.

 

А это - Талимеко.

Цитата

There were six on one side of the door and six on the other, one after the other, descending gradually in size from the largest  to the smallest. The first were four varas high, the second somewhat less, and so on to the last. They had various weapons in their hands made in proportion  to the size of their bodies. The first two on each side, which were the largest, each held clubs the last quarter of which were embellished with diamond-shaped points and bands made of that copper [already mentioned]. They were so exactly like those clubs that are described  as  belonging to Hercules that it seemed that either might have been copied from the other. The giants held their clubs aloft with both hands, with such a fierce and bold aspect (as if threatening to strike anyone who entered the door) that it inspired terror.


The second on either side (this was the  order  in which they were all placed) had broadswords made of wood in the same form that they make them in Spain of iron and steel. The  third had sticks, different from the clubs, that resembled the swingles used to beat flax, a fathom and a half long, the first two-thirds being thick and the last gradually becoming narrower and having a shovel-shaped end. The fourth in order had large battle-axes corresponding in size to the stature of the giants. One of  them had a brass head, the blade being large and very well made and the other end having a four-sided  point  a handbreadth in length. The other axe had a head exactly like this, with its blade and point, but for greater variety and curiosity it was made of flint.


The fifth in order carried bows as long as their bodies, bent and with the arrows in place as if ready to shoot.  The bows and arrows were fashioned with all the extreme care and perfection these Indians employ in their mak-ing. The head of one of the arrows was made of  the tip of a deer antler carved into four points; the other arrow had a flint point  for a head, the same shape and size as an ordinary dagger.


The sixth and last figures had very large and handsome pikes with copper heads. All of  them, like the first ones, seemed to be threatening to wound with their weapons those who might want  to enter the door. Some were ready to strike downward  from above, like those with the clubs; others, as those with the broadswords and pikes, were ready to stab; others, as those with the axes, to hack; others, as the ones with the sticks, to  give a diagonal stroke from left to right; and the archers threatened to  shoot  from a distance. Each of them was in the boldest and fiercest posture required  by  the weapon that he held in his hands, and this was  what most amazed the Spaniards, seeing how natural and true to life they were in every respect.

На испанском тут.

Высота самых больших фигур - quatro varas. "Вара" это "испанский ярд". То есть - фигуры выходят более 3 метров.

Палица - "sendas porras", огромная дубина, если я правильно понял. Помянутая медь - именно медь, "cobre".

Далее - "montantes hechos de madera". Двуручный меч, сделанный из дерева. И именно что "формой, как испанский" - "la misma forma ..." и далее про железо и сталь.

Потом - "baston", конец у которого похож на лопатку, "pala". Что-то похожее на тайаху маори?

Далее - "hachas de armas grandes", большой боевой топор. Потом лук-arco, ростовой. И пика - большая и превосходная, с медным наконечником. "... largas, y hermosas picas con los hierros de cobre".

Настоящей металлургии, с плавкой металла, у местных не было, но самородную медь они обрабатывали. 

 

Там еще была масса статуй, статуи мужчин имели в руках богато украшенное оружие, но его подробно не описывают.

Далее

Цитата

The space on the walls between the portraits of the dead and the statues on the upper part was covered with round  and oblong shields, large and small, made of cane so strongly woven that they could turn a dart shot from a crossbow, though a harquebus-shot penetrated them more than did the dart. The oblong and round  shields were interwoven with strings of pearls and seed pearls, and around the edges they had borders of colored threads that embellished them greatly.

Это тут.

Soto15.png.d2059101aba25cc1f80cd5504bcd8

Ротелы и пависы из тростника (cannas), большие и малые. Держат выстрел из арбалета.

Цитата

Around  the temple were eight rooms, separated from one another and placed regularly and in order. Apparently they were annexes of the temple for its embellishment and service. The governor and the other gentlemen wanted  to  see what was in them, and found that they were all full of arms arranged in the manner that we shall tell. The first room they happened to see was full of pikes, there being nothing else in it. All were very long and very well made, with heads of brass, which, because it was so highly colored, looked like gold. All were adorned with rings  of  pearls and seed pearls having three or four turns, placed at intervals along the pikes. Many were
covered in the middle (where they would rest on the shoulder and where the head joined the haft) with strips  of  colored deerskin, and along both the upper and lower edges of  this strip were borders of varicolored threads with three, four, five, or six rows of pearls  or seed pearls that embellished them greatly.


In the second room there were only clubs such as those that we said the first giant figures held, which were at the door of  the temple; except that those in the room, being arms that were among the lord's equipment, were decorated with rings  of  pearls and seed pearls and borders of colored thread placed at intervals so that the colors were blended with one another and all were intermingled with the pearls. The other pikes [clubs?] that the giants held had no ornamentation whatever.


In another room, which was the third, there was nothing but axes like those we said the giants had who were fourth in order at the door of the temple. They had copper heads with a blade on one side and a diamond-shaped point on the other, six inches and a hand's breadth long [respectively]. Many of them had flint heads fastened solidly to the handles with copper bands. These axes also had on their handles rings of pearls and seed pearls and borders of colored thread.


In another room, which was the fourth, there were broadswords made of various kinds of hardwoods such as those that the giants second in order had, all of them being decorated with pearls and seed pearls and borders on the handles and on the first third of the blades.


The fifth room contained only staffs such as those we said the giants of the third order had, but decorated with their rings of pearls and seed pearls and colored borders all along the handles to where the shovel-shaped end began. We shall tell the rest in the following chapter, so that this one may not be disproportionately longer than the others.

...

In the sixth room there was nothing except bows and arrows wrought in all the extreme perfection and care with which they make them. For arrow-heads, they used points of wood, of the bones of land and sea animals, and of flint, as we told in connection with the Indian noble who killed himself. Besides these kinds of arrowheads made of copper, such as those they put on darts in Spain, there were others with harpoons, also made of copper, and in the form of small chisels, lances, and Moorish darts, which looked  as if they had been made in Castilla. They noted also that the arrows with flint tips had different kinds of heads; some were in the form  of a harpoon, others of small chisels, others were rounded like a punch, and others had two edges like the tip of a dagger. The Spaniards examined all these curiously and wondered how they could fashion such things out of  a material as resistant  as flint, though in view of what Mexican history says about the broadswords and other arms that the Indians of  that land made of flint, a part of this wonderment of ours will be lost. The bows were handsomely made and enameled in various colors, which they do with a certain cement that gives them such a luster  that  one can see himself in them. In speaking  of  this temple, Juan Coles says the following:  "And in one apartment there were more than fifty thousand bows with their cases or quivers full of arrows."

...

In the seventh room there were large numbers of round shields made of wood and of cowhide [buffalo-hide], both brought from distant countries. All were decorated with pearls and seed pearls and borders of colored threads. In the eighth  room  there were a great many oblong shields, all made of cane very skillfully woven and so strong that the Spaniards had very few crossbows that could send a dart clear through them, as was experienced in other places outsidtl  of  Cofachiqui. The oblong shields, like the  round ones, were decorated with a  network  of  seed pearls and pearls and with colored borders.

На испанском.

Щиты - "rodelas hechas de madera y de cueros de vaca traídos de loxas tierra" и "de paue ses todos hechos de canna".

 

Битва при Мавиле занимает у де ла Веги целых пять глав.

Цитата

Our men at once charged the enemy and drove them back toward the pueblo, but they made a strong attack from the wall, from which the Spaniards came to understand that it was better to fight them on the plain at a distance from the pueblo than near it. Thus from that time on, when they retired they purposely yielded more ground than the Indians forced them to lose, in order to draw them away from the pueblo so that by their retreat the cavalry would have more ground and room where they could charge them with lances. First one and then the other, attacking and withdrawing in this manner, as if in a tournament with reed spears - though it was a very cruel and bloody battle - and  again standing their ground, Indians and Spaniards fought for three hours, savagely killing and wounding each other.

На испанском.

Soto16.png.93e23b311b351a4cbdf55dd9d6f58

juego de cañas - тут, иберийская версия джерида.

 

Цитата

With such events incident to battles, Indians and Castilians fought with many deaths on both sides, although the mortality was greater among the Indians because they had no defensive arms.

Soto17.png.64ff06dd90d7481586c6e6dfaebae

 

Небольшая помарка в переводе, насколько понимаю

Цитата

During these attacks and withdrawals, at a time when the governor was standing in his stirrups to throw a lance at an Indian, another who was behind him shot an arrow above the hind bow of  the saddle, which struck in the small unprotected space the general exposed between the saddlebow and the breastplate, and though he wore a coat of mail, the arrow broke through it and penetrated some six inches into the left hip. 

Там просто lançada, по контексту скорее не "ударить копьем", а не "метнуть".

 

Цитата

But they soon recognized that their plan was ill-advised, because if their lightness gave them an advantage over the Spanish infantry, those on horseback were their superiors and speared them in the field entirely at their pleasure, without their being able to defend themselves, for these Indians do not use pikes (although they have them), which are the defense against cavalry, because they had not  permitted themselves to believe that the enemy would come up within reach of the pikes, but expected to assault and kill them with arrows a good distance before they should reach them. This is the chief reason they use the  bow  and arrows more than any other weapons.

Вот и пойми этот оборот. Было бы написано "мало кто их них использует пики" или еще как... Но написано именно это - "porque estos Indios no usan de picas (aunque las tienen) que son la defensa contra los cauallos"

А количество полученных испанцами ран из "770" мутирует у де ла Веги в 1770 только тяжелых ранений.

Цитата

There was such a lack of necessities for treating them that many died before they could be assisted, for it was found by actual count that there were 1,770 or more wounds that required treatment. These included only the ones that were dangerous and required  the service of a surgeon, such as those that penetrated the body cavity, or a  broken skull, or arrow wounds in the elbow, knee, or ankle, from which it was feared the wounded man might be left lame or maimed. ... There  was an almost countless number of such wounds,
for there was scarcely a man who was not wounded, and most of them had five or six wounds, and many ten or twelve.

На испанском

Soto18.thumb.png.811b99fdc964ba54fb6f4ef

 

Цитата

Thirteen Spaniards died during this time from their wounds. Forty-seven fell in battle, eighteen of whom were killed by arrow wounds in the eyes or mouth, for the Indians, knowing that their bodies were armed, shot at their faces.

Besides those who died before being treated and in the battle itself, another twenty-two Christians died afterward from poor treatment and poor doctors. Thus we can say that eighty-two Spaniards died in this battle of Mauvila. To this loss was added that of forty-five horses that the Indians killed in the battle, which were no less lamented and mourned than their own comrades, because they saw that in them lay the greatest strength of their army.

На испанском

Soto19.png.646bae839fe5830aae48c5d37940b

Soto20.png.b01de57f90023c7b7bf1095b84739

С числом ранения де ла Вега точно ошибается, а с числом погибших? Он явно считает с позже умершими ранеными, но в других текстах числа сильно меньшие, в том числе и для умерших раненых.

 

 

Цитата

The governor, who in order to be prepared for such surprises always slept in his breeches and doublet, went  out  against the enemy on horseback ahead of all the rest of his gentlemen. Because of  the enemy's swiftness, he had been unable to take up any defensive armor except a helmet and a jacket, which they considered as armor, made of quilted cotton three finger-breadths in thickness. Our men had found no better defense against arrows. The governor went out alone with these arms and his lance and shield against such a multitude  of  enemies, for he never learned to fear them.

Испанский

Soto21.png.21b21d8a81b91262d7ee8780d67a8

 

Цитата

The Indians did likewise, all of them having in their mouths the name of their province, Tula. In the place of  bows and arrows with which they are always accustomed to fight, that night many of them carried clubs made of pieces of pikes two or three varas long, a new thing for the Spaniards. The reason for it was that the Indian who had broken Captain Juan Paez's teeth two days before
had told his people of the lucky stroke he had made with his club. It appearing to them that good fortune lay in the kind of weapon and not  in its skillful use (because the Indians generally are great believers in omens), that night they brought many clubs and gave mighty blows with them to many of the soldiers, particularly to a certain Juan de Baeza, who was one of the halberdiers of the general's guard. That  night he happened to find himself with a sword and a shield between two Indians with their clubs. One of  them broke his shield to pieces with the first stroke, and the other gave him another blow on the shoulders so hard that it knocked him down, and he would have finished killing him if his companions had  not  come to his rescue. In this manner many other valiant exploits  took  place, which, because they were blows with sticks, the soldiers laughed about afterward, comparing their experiences. It  was a very good thing for them that they were sticks and  not arrows, which would have done more damage.

На испанском

В оригинале - bastones 

 

Общее описание оружия индейцев юго-востока Северной Америки тут.

Цитата

The arms these Indians carry are bows and arrows,  and - although it is true that they are skillful in the use of the other weapons they have, such as pikes, lances, darts, halberds, the sling, club, broadsword and staff, and other similar ones, if there are others except the harquebus and crossbow which they do not  possess - with all this they do not  [ordinarily] use any other arms except the  bow and arrow, because for those who carry them they are the greatest embellishment and ornament.  ... The bows are  of  the same height as he who carries them, and as these Indians of La Florida are generally of large stature, their bows are more than two varas in length and thick in proportion. They make them of oak and of various other hard and very heavy woods they have. They are so hard to bend that no Spaniard, however much he tried, was able to pull the cord back so that his hand touched his face, but the Indians through their long experience and skill drew back the cord with the greatest ease to a point behind the ear and made such valiant and wonderful shots as we shall see presently.

Soto22.thumb.png.57f692400c0ec5407e230df

[ordinarily] - вставка английского переводчика. У де ла Вега ее нет. Он сначала рассказывает, что у индейцев есть еще всякое разное оружие, помимо луков и стрел, которым они хорошо владеют. Но они им ... не пользуются. Без каких либо оговорок. Восторг. =)

Тут есть про копьеметалку.

 

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Из John Connor. Australian Frontier Wars, 1788-1838. 2002

 

Цитата

Shields were used by most Aboriginal peoples, except the Tasmanian Aborigines, and were mostly used in formal battles. The Yuggera people made two types of shields, both from the corkwood tree. The first was light and large and used for deflecting spears, while the second was small, circular and 15 centimetres thick and used when fighting with clubs. The face of both types was covered with beeswax, but only the larger shield was painted with red and white ochres, probably because any decoration on the smaller shield would soon have been defaced in hand-to-hand combat29.

Цитата

29. Sydney Gazette, 2 September 1804, 27 January 1805; Perth Gazette, 13 July 1833; Petrie, Tom Petrie’s Reminiscences, pp 103–04

Thomas Petrie

Tom Petrie's reminiscences of early Queensland (dating from 1837). 1904

Цитата

A tree would be from four to six feet long in the barrel before the first branch. One was picked which was about thirteen or fourteen inches through, and cut down, then cut into lengths sixteen or seventeen inches long. These lengths were split up and roughly shaped with stone tomahawks. Then the wood was left to dry. In about a week's time or more it would be quite light and dry, and soft to work, and the handle was made, which was just a solid piece of wood hollowed out in the centre of the shield. ... The shield used to fend off spears in a large fight were broader, and not so round and heavy as the ones for a close hand-to-hand fight with waddies. The latter were about six or seven inches thick, to stand the blows from the waddies. "Kunmarin" was the name for a shield further north up the coast

Насколько понимаю - это т.н. "парирующий щит", их таких в музеях много. Этот, примеру, из южного Квинсленда.

preview.jpg.a5608f77243c45f6681d7ed366db

Или вот тут их кучка и тут.

 

Цитата

The structure and beliefs of Aboriginal societies determined the forms their warfare took, but tactics were developed to make the most effective use of their weapons. The weapons of the Eora and Darug determined the course of their formal battles. The first phase of the battle consisted of an exchange of spears with the light bark eleemong shield being used to parry them away. In the second phase the protagonists charged and fought at close quarters with clubs and boomerangs, using the solid wood arragong shield for protection30.

Цитата

Collins, An Account, I: 275, 345, 486, II: 40.

Дэвид Коллинз.

David Collins. An account of the English colony in New South Wales: with remarks on the dispositions, customs, manners, &c. of the native inhabitants of that country. 1798, 1802.

Проблема в том, что ссылки даны по переизданию 1975-го года. =/

Во втором томе оригинального издания должна быть, насколько понимаю, страница 25.

Цитата

They have two sorts of shields, one made of bark and the other of solid wood

В первом томе я смог найти пространное описание только на странице 585 (в книге, если что, есть и немало иллюстраций).

Цитата

Of shields they have but two sorts. One, named E-lec-mong, is cut from the bark of the gum tree, and is not fo capable of resisting the spear as the Ar-rah-gong, which is formed of solid wood, and hardened by fire. This shield is not to much in use as the e-lee-mong, as I imagine from its greater weight, and perhaps also from the superior difficulty they meet with in procuring it.

 

Еще.

Цитата

It appeared from the best account we could procure, that one or more murders having been committed in the night, the assassins, who were immediately known, were compelled, according to the custom of the country, to meet the relations of the deceased, who were to avenge their deaths by throwing spears, and drawing blood for blood. One native of the tribe of Cammerray, a very fine fellow named Carradah, who had stabbed another in the night, but not mortally, was obliged to stand for two evenings exposed to the spears not only of the man whom he had wounded, but of several other natives. He was suffered indeed to cover himself with a bark shield, and behaved with the greatest courage and resolution. Whether his principal adversary (the wounded man] found that he possessed too much defensive skill to admit of his wounding him, or whether it was a necessary part of his punishment, was not known with any certainty; but on the second day that Carradah had been opposed to him and his party, after having received several of their spears on his shield, without sustaining any injury, he susiered the other to pin his left arm (below the elbow) to his side, without making any resistance; prevented, perhaps, by the uplifted spears of the other natives, who could easily have destroyed him, by throwing at him in different directions. Carradah stood, for fome time after this, defending himself, although wounded in the arm which held the shield, until his adversaries had not a whole spear left, and had retired to coIlect the fragments and piece them together. On his sitting down his left hand appeared to be very much convulsed, and Mr. White was of opinion that the spear had pierced one of the nerves. The businefs was resumed when’ they had repaired their weapons, and the fray appeared to be general, men, women, and children mingling in it, giving and receiving many severe wounds, before night put an end to their warfare.

 

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Edwin Thompson Denig. Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri.

Цитата

War parties for battle are a long time in contemplation, frequently occupying a whole winter in preparing for the campaign, and in counseling regarding it. Usually large parties are led by some chief of a band, and invitations are sent by him to different chiefs of other bands of the same nation and to those of another nation with whom they are at peace.

In the beginning of the summer they all assemble with their lodges at the place appointed, and a great deal of debate, feasting, and private consultation takes place, with sacrifices by the chiefs and soldiers, and also by many of the warriors to the several supernatural powers before referred to. It appears to be the misfortune of these large expeditions to fail in executing anything like what is anticipated at the start. Here also, the cause of their failure appears to be due to their insubordination. There is no one man to lead, no one source of authority in carrying out any plan decided upon. The nominal leader as chief is only chief of his band, and even among these there are others who are his equals in war. There are several chiefs of bands, and also many other chiefs; every one’s advice, although asked, can not be taken, which produces dissatisfaction. The soldiers of one band will not be commanded by those of another, rank on every side is interfered with, old grudges renewed by meeting with old delinquents, in short though all looks pretty fair on starting, yet difficulties and disputes from various causes take place every day after, which results in their leaving and returning home in detached parties.

When, however, the ranks have by these means become purged of the most turbulent and unruly characters the others proceed in the following order: Chiefs, warriors of note and soldiers, dressed in deerskin shirts and leggings trimmed with ermine, horse, or scalp hair. A war eagle feather cap is on his head, a shield of bull’s hide covers his arm, a bow and quiver of arrows is carried on his back, a short gun stuck in his belt with pouch and horn across his shoulders and scalping knife in its sheath, the powder horn and ball pouch are carried on the middle of the back, the connecting strap reaching across his breast and the upper parts of both arms. These are the mounted men, and the most distinguished for their former deeds. The footmen consist of young warriors and new recruits without any peculiar insignia, but well armed if possible. The soldiers are men holding that rank in whichever camp they reside, and their duty is to ride on the outside of the main body to keep any person from straying away and prevent any useless noise or manner of travel.

Цитата

Indian fighting is individual fighting, each one for himself, without any military order, line, or file. Orders are given by any of the chiefs or soldiers in a loud voice when some advantage presents itself. Both parties endeavor to cover their bodies by any objects which are in the way. A thicket is much desired, small trees, stones, bunches of grass, or hollows made by the rain are all occupied, and those who cannot find any shelter jump from side to side, never standing still a moment to avoid any certain aim for their enemy’s fire.

The whole is accompanied with a terrible yelling on both sides. When one falls on either side the war whoop is sent forth by the party who killed and a simultaneous rush is made by the enemy to obtain the scalp and the friends of the fallen man to rescue the body. In these mêlées of small parties take place the terrible savage struggles for which they are remarkable. It is hand-to-hand fighting by a few on each side over the body of the fallen man. Knives, lances, and war clubs are the arms then used and frequently several fall on each side before one party recoils. These scenes are going on over several parts of the field at the same time. The war whoop is sounded from either side whenever any success is visible, and when any disproportionate loss takes place the flight of that party is the consequence. This is the great aim of either party, as a massacre of the scattered fugitives then takes place. It should be remembered that when the contending parties are nearly equal very little damage is done.

The firing is at such a distance that only a random shot takes effect, and after abusing each other and firing hundreds of shots all day, perhaps only three or four are killed. There must be a great superiority of numbers and position on one side where there is any great destruction. The greatest loss of life happens when some 200 to 400 warriors surprise a camp of 20 or 30 lodges, or when the war party is too large to effect concealment for stealing horses, and too small for defense. In this case when pursued by the whole camp they are brought to a stand. If on the prairie they take up a position on the top of some hill covered with stones with which they make a barricade or seek a gully or cluster of bushes. Here they fight as long as one of them is living, but being surrounded by a superior force are all killed in the end. Three years since Assiniboin who were discovered in an attempt to steal horses from the Blackfeet were pursued and brought to bay in a sink hole, or gully, where they were surrounded by about 800 men of the latter nation and fired upon until all were killed.

Their enemies, however, lost 34 men before they succeeded. A retreat is ordered in words to that effect and the movement being perceived is followed by all, which generally ends in downright flight. A very common exhibition of individual bravery is, when the parties are equally divided, and slow skirmishing going forward, each party having good positions, a single warrior rides forth near the place where the other party is stationed, and riding slowly within reach of their fire along their front, sings his war song and calls out his name, presenting a mark for the whole of his enemies to fire at. Either he or his horse is generally killed, or if he escapes he is considered a brave man ever afterwards. In either case he is followed by one of the opposite side in the same manner, and in this way often three or four are killed. They eat no root supposed to have the power of deadening pain or inspiring courage.

Цитата

Battles are planned as soon as they can determine the position of the enemy, which plans are changed according to circumstances afterwards, but the fighting is done at random, each loading and firing when he chooses, and using any measures of concealment of his person.

No general orders are conveyed or aids employed, although whenever a cluster of men occupy a position some soldier or chief being there gives orders to the others, individually or collectively, as the danger is apparent. The chiefs and soldiers retreating would be a signal for all to run. The leader gives advice occasionally as to dislodging the enemy, etc., but all his orders partake of the nature of requests. They rally often during a retreat if the party be large, and keep up a running fight for 10 or 15 miles.

Цитата

The Gros Ventres and Crows are the only nations who take women and children prisoners and spare their lives, though they kill all males able to bear arms.

All the wounded left on the field are tortured to death in every possible way, mostly by mutilation, are seldom burned, perhaps for the reason that death would be too soon produced by that manner of proceeding. The Assiniboin burn children prisoners.

Цитата

Every male fit to bear arms is put to death by the tribes. The Assiniboin, Blackfeet, Sioux, Cree, and Arikara also kill women and children and sing and dance as much for their scalps as for those of men. The horrid manner in which they put the small children to death exceeds description. Some are stuck through with wooden skewers, like a rabbit, while alive, and roasted before the fire.

Цитата

There is but little subordination in all large war parties of Indians. There appear to be jealousies on every side between soldiers and chiefs or between the warriors and soldiers. No penalties being attached to disobedience, it has no limit, and they are often in as much danger from each other as from their enemies. Once in a century a chief arises who can lead large parties to war, but it is only when his success and capacity as a warrior is accompanied by his art as a prophet and he has gained entire ascendancy over all his people. Small parties succeed better — say from 80 to 100 men. These an ordinary chief can command tolerably well, because they are for the most part chosen from his own band and composed of his own relations. This kind of party always proves most successful, as the leader only attacks when success is certain from the numbers on each side. All Indians carry off their wounded if possible, and the dead also if not scalped, interring the latter in some secure place not likely to be discovered by their enemies.

Цитата

In loading the gun in battle it is first primed from the horn, then a charge of powder put in, and a few balls being held in the mouth of each man, one is dropped in wet on top of the powder, without any wad between or on top. In this way they load and fire very quickly, four or five times in a minute, but not with a very certain aim.

Цитата

The stone war club is the most efficient weapon in battle of any we know of. A drawing of one is shown in Plate 65. The weight of the stone is about 5 pounds. The handle is made of elastic sinew and can not be broken. Any attempt to ward off the blow must be attended with a broken arm, and if the stroke is not fended the strongest man must fall beneath it. Tomahawk and battle axes are not thrown at their enemies, as generally represented, but are secured to the wrist by a strong cord, and only used at close quarters; as also the lance and knife.

 

"Солдаты" в тексте - акичита.

Цитата

Soldiers. — Having mentioned and explained the divisions of bands and clans with the chiefs thereof, the next important body in their government is the ah-kitch-e-tah, or soldiers or guard. These soldiers are picked from the band on account of their proved bravery and disposition to see things well conducted. They are men of family from 25 to 45 years old, steady, resolute, and respectable, and in them is vested the whole active power of governing the camp or rather of carrying out the decrees and decisions of councils. In a camp of 200 lodges they would number 50 to 60 men, and in a camp of 60 lodges 10 to 15 men. The soldiers’ lodge is pitched in the center of the camp and occupied by some of them all the time, although the whole body are only called when the chief wishes a public meeting or when their hunting regulations are to be decided upon. This is their statehouse; all business relative to the camp and other nations is transacted there, and all strangers or visitors, white or red, are lodged therein.

 

1 person likes this

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Create an account or sign in to comment

You need to be a member in order to leave a comment

Create an account

Sign up for a new account in our community. It's easy!


Register a new account

Sign in

Already have an account? Sign in here.


Sign In Now

  • Similar Content

    • Сеньориальные и "частные" войны.
      By hoplit
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. From God’s Peace to the King’s Order: Late Medieval Limitations on Non-Royal Warfare // Essays in Medieval Studies Volume 23, 2006.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Seigneurial War and Royal Power in Later Medieval Southern France // Past & Present, Vol. 208, No. 1, 2010, p. 37-76.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century // Journal of Medieval History 36(1): 90-103. 2010.
       - Gadi Algazi. Pruning Peasants Private War and Maintaining the Lords’ Peace in Late Medieval Germany // Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power and Gifts in Context, Esther Cohen & Mayke de Jong eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 245–274.
      -  Geary Patrick J. Vivre en conflit dans une France sans État : typologie des mécanismes de règlement des conflits (1050-1200) // Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations. 41ᵉ année, N. 5, 1986. pp. 1107-1133
       
      Также - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Violence and the State in Languedoc, 1250-1400. 2014.
       
      Сборник статей по "приватным войнам" в домонгольском Иране - Iranian Studies, volume 38, number 4, December 2005.
      - Jürgen Paul. Introduction: Private warfare in pre-Mongol Iran.
      - Ahmed Abdelsalam. The practice of violence in the ḥisba-theories.
      - Deborah Tor. Privatized Jihad and public order in the pre-Seljuq period: The role of the Mutatawwi‘a.
      - Jürgen Paul. The Seljuq conquest(s) of Nishapur: A reappraisal.
      - David Durand-guédy. Iranians at war under Turkish domination: The example of pre-Mongol Isfahan. 
       
      Juergen Paul
      -  Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
      - Juergen Paul. Armies, lords, and subjects in medieval Iran // The Cambridge World History of Violence, vol. 2. 2020
      - Juergen Paul. The State and the Military – a Nomadic Perspective // Militär und Staatlichkeit. Beiträge des Kolloquiums am 29. und 30.04.2002. 2003
      И у него же - пачка свежих интересных работ по региональной элите. К примеру:
      Juergen Paul. Who Were the Mulūk Fārs // Transregional and Regional Elites - Connecting the Early Islamic Empire. 2020
      Juergen Paul. Local Lords or Rural Notables? Some Remarks on the ra'is in Twelfth Century Eastern Iran // Medieval Central Asia and the Persianate World. Iranian Tradition and Islamic Civilisation. 2015
      Juergen Paul. Hasanwayh b. Husayn al-Kurdi: From freehold castles to vassality? // The Abbasid and Carolingian Empires. Comparative Studies in Civilizational Formation. 2017
       
    • Мусульманские армии Средних веков
      By hoplit
      Maged S. A. Mikhail. Notes on the "Ahl al-Dīwān": The Arab-Egyptian Army of the Seventh through the Ninth Centuries C.E. // Journal of the American Oriental Society,  Vol. 128, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 2008), pp. 273-284
      David Ayalon. Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
      David Ayalon. Aspects of the Mamlūk Phenomenon // Journal of the History and Culture of the Middle East
      Bethany J. Walker. Militarization to Nomadization: The Middle and Late Islamic Periods // Near Eastern Archaeology,  Vol. 62, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 202-232
      David Ayalon. The Mamlūks of the Seljuks: Islam's Military Might at the Crossroads //  Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1996), pp. 305-333
      David Ayalon. The Auxiliary Forces of the Mamluk Sultanate // Journal of the History and Culture of the Middle East. Volume 65, Issue 1 (Jan 1988)
      C. E. Bosworth. The Armies of the Ṣaffārids // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,  Vol. 31, No. 3 (1968), pp. 534-554
      C. E. Bosworth. Military Organisation under the Būyids of Persia and Iraq // Oriens,  Vol. 18/19 (1965/1966), pp. 143-167
      R. Stephen Humphreys. The Emergence of the Mamluk Army //  Studia Islamica,  No. 45 (1977), pp. 67-99
      R. Stephen Humphreys. The Emergence of the Mamluk Army (Conclusion) // Studia Islamica,  No. 46 (1977), pp. 147-182
      Nicolle, D. The military technology of classical Islam. PhD Doctor of Philosophy. University of Edinburgh. 1982
      Nicolle D. Fighting for the Faith: the many fronts of Crusade and Jihad, 1000-1500 AD. 2007
      Nicolle David. Cresting on Arrows from the Citadel of Damascus // Bulletin d’études orientales, 2017/1 (n° 65), p. 247-286.
      David Nicolle. The Zangid bridge of Ǧazīrat ibn ʿUmar (ʿAyn Dīwār/Cizre): a New Look at the carved panel of an armoured horseman // Bulletin d’études orientales, LXII. 2014
      David Nicolle. The Iconography of a Military Elite: Military Figures on an Early Thirteenth-Century Candlestick. В трех частях. 2014-19
      Patricia Crone. The ‘Abbāsid Abnā’ and Sāsānid Cavalrymen // Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, 8 (1998)
      D.G. Tor. The Mamluks in the military of the pre-Seljuq Persianate dynasties // Iran,  Vol. 46 (2008), pp. 213-225 (!)
      J. W. Jandora. Developments in Islamic Warfare: The Early Conquests // Studia Islamica,  No. 64 (1986), pp. 101-113
      John W. Jandora. The Battle of the Yarmuk: A Reconstruction // Journal of Asian History, 19 (1): 8–21. 1985
      Khalil ʿAthamina. Non-Arab Regiments and Private Militias during the Umayyād Period // Arabica, T. 45, Fasc. 3 (1998), pp. 347-378
      B.J. Beshir. Fatimid Military Organization // Der Islam. Volume 55, Issue 1, Pages 37–56
      Andrew C. S. Peacock. Nomadic Society and the Seljūq Campaigns in Caucasia // Iran & the Caucasus,  Vol. 9, No. 2 (2005), pp. 205-230
      Jere L. Bacharach. African Military Slaves in the Medieval Middle East: The Cases of Iraq (869-955) and Egypt (868-1171) //  International Journal of Middle East Studies,  Vol. 13, No. 4 (Nov., 1981), pp. 471-495
      Deborah Tor. Privatized Jihad and public order in the pre-Seljuq period: The role of the Mutatawwi‘a // Iranian Studies, 38:4, 555-573
      Гуринов Е.А. , Нечитайлов М.В. Фатимидская армия в крестовых походах 1096 - 1171 гг. // "Воин" (Новый) №10. 2010. Сс. 9-19
      Нечитайлов М.В. Мусульманское завоевание Испании. Армии мусульман // Крылов С.В., Нечитайлов М.В. Мусульманское завоевание Испании. Saarbrücken: LAMBERT Academic Publishing, 2015.
      Нечитайлов М.В., Гуринов Е.А. Армия Саладина (1171-1193 гг.) (1) // Воин № 15. 2011. Сс. 13-25. И часть два.
      Нечитайлов М.В., Шестаков Е.В. Андалусские армии: от Амиридов до Альморавидов (1009-1090 гг.) (1) // Воин №12. 2010. 
      Kennedy, H.N. The Military Revolution and the Early Islamic State // Noble ideals and bloody realities. Warfare in the middle ages. P. 197-208. 2006.
      Kennedy, H.N. Military pay and the economy of the early Islamic state // Historical research LXXV (2002), pp. 155–69.
      Kennedy, H.N. The Financing of the Military in the Early Islamic State // The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East. Vol. III, ed. A. Cameron (Princeton, Darwin 1995), pp. 361–78.
      H.A.R. Gibb. The Armies of Saladin // Studies on the Civilization of Islam. 1962
      David Neustadt. The Plague and Its Effects upon the Mamlûk Army // The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. No. 1 (Apr., 1946), pp. 67-73
      Ulrich Haarmann. The Sons of Mamluks as Fief-holders in Late Medieval Egypt // Land tenure and social transformation in the Middle East. 1984
      H. Rabie. The Size and Value of the Iqta in Egypt 564-741 A.H./l 169-1341 A.D. // Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East: from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day. 1970
      Yaacov Lev. Infantry in Muslim armies during the Crusades // Logistics of warfare in the Age of the Crusades. 2002. Pp. 185-208
      Yaacov Lev. Army, Regime, and Society in Fatimid Egypt, 358-487/968-1094 // International Journal of Middle East Studies. Vol. 19, No. 3 (Aug., 1987), pp. 337-365
      E. Landau-Tasseron. Features of the Pre-Conquest Muslim Army in the Time of Mu ̨ammad // The Byzantine and Early Islamic near East. Vol. III: States, Resources and Armies. 1995. Pp. 299-336
      Shihad al-Sarraf. Mamluk Furusiyah Literature and its Antecedents // Mamluk Studies Review. vol. 8/4 (2004): 141–200.
      Rabei G. Khamisy Baybarsʼ Strategy of War against the Franks // Journal of Medieval Military History. Volume XVI. 2018
      Manzano Moreno. El asentamiento y la organización de los yund-s sirios en al-Andalus // Al-Qantara: Revista de estudios arabes, vol. XIV, fasc. 2 (1993), p. 327-359
      Amitai, Reuven. Foot Soldiers, Militiamen and Volunteers in the Early Mamluk Army // Texts, Documents and Artifacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D.S. Richards. Leiden: Brill, 2003
      Reuven Amitai. The Resolution of the Mongol-Mamluk War // Mongols, Turks, and others : Eurasian nomads and the sedentary world. 2005
      Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
       
      Kennedy, Hugh. The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State Warfare and History. 2001
      Blankinship, Khalid Yahya. The End of the Jihâd State: The Reign of Hisham Ibn Àbd Al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads. 1994.
      D.G. Tor. Violent Order: Religious Warfare, Chivalry, and the 'Ayyar Phenomenon in the Medieval Islamic World. 2007
      Michael Bonner. Aristocratic Violence and Holy War. Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier. 1996
      Patricia Crone. Slaves on Horses. The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. 1980
      Hamblin W. J. The Fatimid Army During the Early Crusades. 1985
      Daniel Pipes. Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System. 1981
       
      P.S. Большую часть работ Николя в список вносить не стал - его и так все знают. Пишет хорошо, читать все. Часто пространные главы про армиям мусульманского Леванта есть в литературе по Крестовым походам. Хоть в R.C. Smail. Crusading Warfare 1097-1193, хоть в Steven Tibble. The Crusader Armies: 1099-1187 (!)...
    • Военное дело аборигенов Филиппинских островов.
      By hoplit
      Laura Lee Junker. Warrior burials and the nature of warfare in pre-Hispanic Philippine chiefdoms //  Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 27, No. 1/2, SPECIAL ISSUE: NEW EXCAVATION, ANALYSIS AND PREHISTORICAL INTERPRETATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY (March/June 1999), pp. 24-58.
      Jose Amiel Angeles. The Battle of Mactan and the Indegenous Discourse on War // Philippine Studies vol. 55, no. 1 (2007): 3–52.
      Victor Lieberman. Some Comparative Thoughts on Premodern Southeast Asian Warfare //  Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,  Vol. 46, No. 2, Aspects of Warfare in Premodern Southeast Asia (2003), pp. 215-225.
      Robert J. Antony. Turbulent Waters: Sea Raiding in Early Modern South East Asia // The Mariner’s Mirror 99:1 (February 2013), 23–38.
       
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Modes of Social Action in Armed Combat: Affect, Tradition and Reason in Tausug Private Warfare // Man New Series, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 586-596
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Reciprocity and Revenge in the Philippines: Some Preliminary Remarks about the Tausug of Jolo // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 16, No. 3/4 (JULY-OCTOBER, 1968), pp. 124-131
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Parrang Sabbil: Ritual suicide among the Tausug of Jolo // Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Deel 129, 1ste Afl., ANTHROPOLOGICA XV (1973), pp. 108-123
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Institutionalized Friendship and Warfare among the Tausug of Jolo // Ethnology. Vol. 7, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 225-244
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Power, Politics and Guns in Jolo: The Influence of Modern Weapons on Tao-Sug Legal and Economic Institutions // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 15, No. 1/2, Proceedings of the Fifth Visayas-Mindanao Convention: Philippine Sociological Society May 1-2, 1967 (JANUARY-APRIL, 1967), pp. 21-29
      Armando L. Tan. Shame, Reciprocity and Revenge: Some Reflections on the Ideological Basis of Tausug Conflict // Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 9, No. 4 (December 1981), pp. 294-300.
       
      Linda A. Newson. Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines. 2009.
      William Henry Scott. Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. 1994.
      Laura Lee Junker. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms. 1999.
      Vic Hurley. Swish Of The Kris: The Story Of The Moros. 1936. 
       
      Peter Bellwood. First Islanders. Prehistory and Human Migration in Island Southeast Asia. 2017
      Peter S. Bellwood. The Austronesians. Historical and Comparative Perspectives. 2006 (1995)
      Peter Bellwood. Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago. 2007 (первое издание - 1985, переработанное издание - 1997, это второе издание переработанного издания).
      Kirch, Patrick Vinton. On the Road of the Winds. An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands. 2017. Это второе издание, расширенное и переработанное.
    • Северо-восточная Индия.
      By hoplit
      Апатани.
      С длинными копьями. Где-то 5-6 метров?

      Щит и копьё. Чем не пельта?

      На части фото копья не такие длинные.



      А вот тут, кажется, явно разнокалиберные.

       
      The Nagas. Hill Peoples of Northeast India
    • Чеченская война
      By Сергий
      Это не домыслы досужих журналюг. Это карты боевых действий и учебные материалы военных, опубликованные в свободном доступе.