hoplit

"Примитивная война".

59 posts in this topic

К "вычислениям по среднему".

Five Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri: Sioux, Arickaras, Assiniboines, Crees, Crows

Разные группы сиу. - 2360 палаток, 12 групп. Делятся на янктонов и тетонов. Уже на этом пункте - неравно. Тетонов 7 групп (1630), янктонов - 5 (730 типи). Дальше - больше.

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izobrazhenie_2021-10-10_005211.png.e33c9

И что тут даст "подсчет по среднему"? В крупнейшей группе (брюле-сиу) - 500 палаток, немногим меньше, чем в пяти группах янктон-сиу вместе взятых. Можно написать, кончено, что "3/4 сиу жили в группах размером 200 +/- 100 человек". Если точную роспись на руках иметь, да.

Автор считает для 1833 года пять человек на тип, в 1850-е не было и четырех. Для арикара он ранее считал 4,5 человека на типи.

 

 

izobrazhenie_2021-10-10_010120.png.60efa

Глава о кроу целиком.  

 

Равнинные кри.

izobrazhenie_2022-02-17_090316.png.ddb8e

 

Еще тут. John S. Milloy. The Plains Cree: Trade, Diplomacy, and War, 1790 to 1870. 1988

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То есть - это только восточная часть равнинных кри.

izobrazhenie_2022-02-17_091728.png.8817d

Опять - одни группы насчитывают 30-40 типи, другие - более 300.

 

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izobrazhenie_2022-02-17_091906.png.7954e

Между восточной и западной частью равнинных кри были небольшие различия в похоронном обряде. Иногда в отдельную под-группу выделяют кри-ассинибойнов (метисная группа).

David G. Mandelbaum. The Plains Cree. 1940

Цитата

The cultural and dialectical differences between the two sections of the Plains Cree, were not of a major order. For example, the eastern bands erected grave-houses while the western bands did not. Other details of burial were similar.

Кри-ассинибойны

Цитата

A band known as the nehtopwat, "Cree-Assiniboin," was so called because of its close relations and frequent intermarriage with the Assiniboin. They occupied the area southwest of the Qu'Appelle River, in the vicinity of Wood Mountain. Of all the Cree groups, this band was deepest into the true plains. Its close kinship connections with the River People make it probable that it was an offshoot of that band.

Если что - кри это алгонкины. Ассинибойны - сиу.

Цитата

To the east of the House People was a group sometimes mentioned in the literature as Willow Indians. Their Cree appellation is paskuhkupawtyiniwak, Parklands People. They are now living on the reserves of the Duck Lake Agency. This group is distinctive in that practically all of the individuals in the band were descendants of a Scotch trader, one George Sutherland, who came from Scotland in 1790. He took a Cree wife and left the employ of the Hudson Bay Company to live on the prairie as a native. He subsequently took two more wives and begot twenty-seven children who grew to adulthood and raised families. His offspring married with the surrounding people but always returned to live with the familial group. In this way Sutherland became the first chief of a band he had himself engendered. The Parklands People associated but little with the other bands but they spoke Cree and regarded themselves as more closely related to the Cree than to any other tribe.

Цитата

Indeed, many Ojibway lived among the Cree. The last observation and many others like it, reveal the fact that the Cree became an amalgam of many different tribal stocks. Not only do we find that the Assiniboin, Monsoni, Ojibway, and the Algonkin to the east and south lived among the Cree, but even their enemies, the Dakota, the Athapascans, and the Blackfoot, occasionally camped with and married into the bands of the Cree. One reason why the Cree attracted people from far places was that they had become, thanks to the fur trade, the wealthiest and most powerful tribe.

 

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George Chaworth Musters. At Home with the Patagonians A Year's Wanderings over Untrodden Ground from the Straits of Magellan to the Rio Negro. 1871

Разборки между патагонцами.

Цитата

The following morning, September 2, we were sitting quietly round the fire discussing a breakfast of boiled ostrich prepared by the lady of the house, when suddenly the clash of knives was heard, and we saw two Indians, destitute of mantles, with naked swords in their hands, run across from Camillo’s to Crimè’s toldo. In a minute everything was in an uproar; arms were produced, guns and revolvers loaded, and some of the Indians equipped themselves in coats of mail, and others, with the assistance of the women, padded themselves about the chest and upper part of the body with thick blankets and corconillas or saddle-cloths. Knowing what was about to happen, the women, and with them all the Chilian deserters except one, beat a retreat to a safe distance from the toldos. Having assumed my arms, and feeling thoroughly mystified as to the real cause of this excitement, I went to Camillo’s toldo, where the scene explained itself. He was lying on his bed dead, with a frightful gash in his side, having been murdered by Cuastro, one of the Indians whom we had seen running to Crimè’s tents. On issuing from the toldo Casimiro met me, and asked for a revolver, as he had no firearms, and I lent him one accordingly. The Indians showed by their changed countenances all the fury of fight; their very complexions seemed ghastly, and their eyes glared and rolled, seeming to see blood. The two opposing parties, the Southern Indians — friends of Crimè, who was a cousin of Cuastro — and Orkeke’s and Casimiro’s people or the Northern party, were soon ranged in open line at some twenty yards distance from each other. Cuastro was conspicuous by his tunic or ‘buff coat’ of hide studded with silver, while his only weapon was a single sword or rapier. The fight commenced with an irregular discharge of guns and revolvers, which lasted a few minutes, till some of the Northern or Orkeke’s Indians, led by Casimiro, closed up, and a hand to hand contest with swords and lances took place, resulting in the death of Cuastro and the severe wounding of two or three Southern Indians. The Northerns then drew off to reload, and were about to renew the action, when Tankelow proposed a truce, which was accepted on the understanding that both parties were to march at once in the same direction. The women and children were then recalled from the bushes whither they had retired, the horses brought up, and the dead buried. The Tehuelches’ lance is entirely different to that of the Araucanos or Pampas, and is only used when fighting on foot; it consists of a heavy shaft eighteen feet in length, at the extremity of which a blade is fixed about eighteen inches long, constituting a most formidable weapon in the hands of an expert Indian. Cayuke, whom I have before mentioned, in this fight was armed with the lance, and ran Cuastro through the body, although protected by his mail and endeavouring to parry the point with a sword. This Cuastro was a brave man; when dying, with several bullets in his body, and several lance thrusts, he sprang up to his full height and called out, ‘I die as I have lived — no cacique orders me;’ his wife then rushed up to him crying and sobbing, but he fell down dead at the same moment. Casimiro had a narrow escape; he parried a blow of a sword with what may be termed the slack part of his mantle, but if the blow had caught him on the head, as intended, it would have ended his career then and there. The casualties were a wound in Crimè’s leg, and a lance thrust clean through the thigh of Hummums, a young Indian, who seemed to care very little about it. The fight originated out of a vendetta between Cuastro and Camillo, the latter having some years before caused the death of a member of the family of the former, who had on a previous occasion endeavoured to avenge it on Camillo, and he had only attached himself to our party, in company with Crimè, in order to obtain an opportunity of assassinating Camillo. This Cuastro had been suspected on good grounds of making away with Mendoza, the Argentine sent from Buenos Ayres in company with Casimiro, and who mysteriously disappeared; and he had certainly, when under the influence of rum, at Santa Cruz, murdered his own wife Juana, a daughter of Casimiro, so that brave as he was he had richly deserved the fate he met with.

Тут занятно, что Мастерс спокойно называет кожаный доспех (tunic or ‘buff coat’ of hide studded with silver) -  "кольчугой" (mail).

Цитата

We descended to the flats, and crossed the river, on the- 150 - banks of which ‘Paja’ or Pampa grass grew in abundance, as well as the bamboo-like canes from which Araucanian Indians make their lance shafts, and a plant called by the Chilians ‘Talka,’ the stalk of which, resembling rhubarb, is refreshing and juicy. 

Цитата

The arms of the Tehuelches consist of gun or revolver, sword or dagger, a long heavy lance, used only by dismounted Indians, and altogether different to the light lance of Araucanian and Pampa horsemen, and the bola perdida or single ball, so called because once thrown it is not picked up again: this weapon is quickly constructed; a sharp-pointed stone is taken, covered with hide except the point, which is left out, and a thong of raw hide about a yard long is attached, with a knot made in the end to prevent it slipping from the hand whilst whirling it round previous to throwing it at an enemy. Before the introduction of firearms the bola perdida was the original weapon of the Tehuelches, and is even at the present day a most deadly missile in their hands.

I am aware that Pigafetta, the historian of Magellan’s voyage, describes the ancestors of these Indians as using bows and arrows, but I am inclined to think that this must have applied either to a tribe of Fuegians or a party of Pampas living in the valley of the Rio Negro. It is certain that no ancient flint arrowheads are met with south of the Rio Negro, where they abound; also that there is but little, if any, wood nearer than the Cordillera suitable for bows, and it is reasonable to suppose that previous to the introduction of horses the Indian migrations were confined to a smaller area; besides, although no arrowheads are found in the interior of Patagonia proper, ancient bolas are not unfrequently met with. These are highly valued by the Indians, and differ from those in present use by having grooves cut round them, and by their larger size and greater weight. The introduction and diffusion of firearms has almost superseded the use of defensive armour; but chain suits, and hide surcoats studded thickly with silver, are still — as instances before given show — possessed and employed: and before going into battle the warriors are often padded like cricketers, corconillas or saddle-cloths, and ponchos being employed to form a covering, the folds of which will turn a sword cut or lance thrust.

Цитата

The following morning at daylight all mounted their best horses, and forming into column of six proceeded, with the lancers of the warriors at our head, towards the toldos situated in a valley running at right angles to the one we had rested in the previous night. On arriving in sight of Cheoeque’s ancestral halls, we observed the Araucanians or Manzaneros forming into line and manœuvring about half a mile distant; we approached to within 300 yards, and then forming into open line to display our whole force (my proposal of hiding a reserve behind an eminence having been overruled), awaited the course of events. Thus we remained about half an hour watching the Manzaneros, who presented a fine appearance, dressed in bright-coloured ponchos and armed with their long lances; they manœuvred in four squadrons, each with a leader — from whose lance fluttered a small pennonmoving with disciplined precision, and forming line, wheeling, and keeping their distances in a way that would not have discredited regular cavalry.

 

Описание арауканского кавалерийского копья

Цитата

All our business, both commercial and political, being concluded, and the farewell banquet over, Cheoeque distributed gifts of horses, &c., among the Tehuelches in return for the numerous presents he had received from them. As a set-off to a set of gold studs, he presented me with one of the peculiar lances always used by his people, about fifteen to eighteen feet long and very light, the shaft being made of a cane, which grows in the Cordillera forests, strongly resembling a bamboo, and of the thickness of the butt of a stout pike rod. This present, by the way, caused me to commit a breach of etiquette. I placed it leaning against the toldo, and was at once requested to remove it, as it was a sign of war, though whether it was regarded as a challenge or an omen was not clear; but I was instructed that the lance must either be laid down on, or planted upright in the ground. Another lance was also bestowed on Casimiro, besides numerous horses and other valuables.

 

Цитата

Englishmen are apt to suppose that because they possess good weapons, rifles and revolvers, and are able and ready to use them, they can resist an Indian attack; but the whole system of their warfare consists in sudden surprises. They secretly collect their forces, and waiting at a safe distance during the night, come in at the early dawn, and perhaps the unsuspicious settler, going to the corral or looking for his horses, observes in the distance what appears to be a troop of horses, driven, according to custom, by one or two mounted men; these approach unchallenged, but in a second every horse displays an armed rider, shouting his war-cry. They then spread out, as if to encircle the game, thus presenting no front to the rifles of their opponents, and dash down lance in hand; and whilst some secure the animals, others set fire to the dwellings and carry off the women — if there are any — captives. In some cases they kill the men, but generally only when much resistance is offered.

Although their chief object in warfare is to carry off cattle and captives, the Indians will at times fight desperately, regardless of odds, and show little or no fear of death; and the survivors will never leave their wounded or killed on the field. The Indians in the service of the Government, mustering about fifty lances, and residing chiefly on the south side, are commanded by a man named Linares, previously mentioned as living at San Xaviel; he receives the pay and rations of an officer in the army, of what rank I do not know, and all his men regularly receive pay and rations. These are supposed to act as gendarmerie; but although Linares and his four brothers are probably to be depended on, I doubt very much if the rank and file could be trusted to remain true to their colours in the event of a united raid taking place, such as that organised by Lenquetrou.

 

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Военные упражнения у манданов, описанные Джорджем Кэтлином.

Цитата

Of these, one of the most pleasing is the sham-fight and sham scalp-dance of the Mandan boys, which is a part of their regular exercise, and constitutes a material branch of their education. During the pleasant mornings of the summer, the little boys between the age of seven and fifteen are called out, to the number of several hundred, and being divided into two companies, each of which is headed by some experienced warrior, who leads them on, in the character of a teacher; they are led out into the prairie at sunrise, where this curious discipline is regularly taught them (plate 57). Their bodies are naked, and each one has a little bow in his left hand and a number of arrows made of large spears of grass, which are harmless in their effects. Each one has also a little belt or girdle around his waist, in which he carries a knife made of a piece of wood and equally harmless — on the tops of their heads are slightly attached small tufts of grass, which answer as scalps, and in this plight, they follow the dictates of their experienced leaders, who lead them through the judicious evolutions of Indian warfare — of feints — of retreats — of attacks — and at last to a general fight. Many manoeuvres are gone through, and eventually they are brought up face to face, within fifteen or twenty feet of each other, with their leaders at their head stimulating them on. Their bows are bent upon each other and their missiles flying, whilst they are dodging and fending them off.

If any one is struck with an arrow on any vital part of his body, he is obliged to fall, and his adversary rushes up to him, places his foot upon him, and snatching from his belt his wooden knife, grasps hold of his victim's scalp-lock of grass, and making a feint at it with his wooden knife, twitches it off and puts it into his belt, and enters again into the ranks and front of battle.

This mode of training generally lasts an hour or more in the morning, and is performed on an empty stomach, affording them a rigid and wholesome exercise, whilst they are instructed in the important science of war. Some five or six miles of ground are run over during these evolutions, giving suppleness to their limbs and strength to their muscles, which last and benefit them through life.

After this exciting exhibition is ended, they all return to their village, where the chiefs and braves pay profound attention to their vaunting, and applaud them for their artifice and valour.

Those who have taken scalps then step forward, brandishing them and making their boast as they enter into the scalp-dance (in which they are also instructed by their leaders or teachers), jumping and yelling — brandishing their scalps, and reciting their sanguinary deeds, to the great astonishment of their tender aged sweethearts, who are gazing with wonder upon them.

illustrationsofm01catl_0_0209.thumb.jpg.

Тут - тот самый поединок Матотопы с вождем шайенов.

 

Для сравнения - "игра в войну" у казачат в "Уральцах".

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Селькнамы (одна из групп огнеземельцев), около 1900-го года. Стрелы с наконечниками из стекла.

The National Museum of the American Indian. Вот тут.

142402_1000.jpg.9a612bb5d37a20324eb55a2c

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Вот к этому вот.

Цитата

Francisco de Aguilar,  who  was a stronger and more robust man than the others, and being such had defended himself better than the rest, was still alive though he had two arrow wounds, which passed through both  thighs, and many blows over the head and the whole body, which they had given him with bows, because when he closed with the Indians they had used all their arrows, and seeing him alone, they grasped their bows with both hands and gave him such hard blows that they knocked his shield to pieces, only the handles being left.

В Notes on the Hidatsa Indians based on data recorded by the late Gilbert L. Wilson // Anthropological papers of the AMNH ; v. 56, pt. 2. 1979.

Цитата

Wood, elkhorn, or Rocky Mountain sheep horn were used to fashion bows; they were made as needed, any time of the year, summer or winter; their construction was not hindered by seasons or by any ceremonial strictures. Wooden bows were made of young ash, chokecherry, wild plum, cedar, elm, and a species the Hidatsa called white wood. Ash was preferred principally because of the belief that an ash bow, especially when sinew-backed, would not only withstand a heavy blow without breaking but was, moreover, strong enough to use as a club in an emergency. When put to use in this secondary function as a club, the bow was usually braced; the bowstring, although strong, had a tendency to break the blow and thus prevented the wood from fracturing. Bows made of ash were the chief dependence in war and hunting.

 

Насколько понял - луки у хидатса и лакота еще и асимметричные.

Цитата

To give the upper arm of the bow a distinctly greater bend and more resiliency than its lower arm, which was relatively stiffer, it was shaved somewhat thinner. Further, to accommodate its more decided arch the upper arm of the bow was made somewhat longer than its lower arm. As a consequence, when braced and measured on the taut bowstring both arms of the bow would be equal in length. The bow handle was placed in the middle of the braced bow. The main objective was, of course, to assure the steadiest and straightest flight of an arrow. A bow with its upper and lower arms of equal length, as in the English bow, would have been considered useless by the Hidatsa.

Цитата

A Teton-Sioux, when questioned, explained that a bow with its arms equally bent cast an arrow sluggishly and on a dead level; one with a greater arched upper arm cast the arrow with more speed and on a higher curve. The upper arm of a Japanese bow is longer and more arched than the lower. To Wolf-chief's great surprise, Wilson outshot him in a contest.

 

Цитата

According to Wolf-chief, as recorded in July 1911, a bow of Rocky Mountain sheep horn, or bighorn, was considered by the Hidatsa to be more valuable than one made of elkhorn and with 10 arrows cost a good horse, during a period when horses were scarce. Bighorn bows had a rapid cast. They were used both for warfare and the chase. However, they were chiefly valued by young men for their decorative qualities and, like the elkhorn bows, were treasured more for display in the village than for practical use. A bighorn bow was white on its inner curve; like the elkhorn bow previously described, the outer curve was reinforced with sinew. As was customary on the elkhorn bow, a decorative piece of quillwork or an enemy scalp was frequently hung on the tip of the upper arm of the bighorn bow. Sometimes red stripes were painted on bows to signify, "With this bow I struck an enemy. "

Цитата

Girls were not taught to use bows and arrows; boys, however, began to shoot when about three years old

Цитата

In battle, at close quarters with the enemy, when shooting rapidly was urgent, two arrows were held in the teeth, feathers to the right; a
third arrow was held in the left hand, against the back and slightly athwart the bow, with the feathers downward and visible below the hand, slightly to the left; a fourth arrow lay on the bowstring. Sometimes, a fifth arrow was added to the one grasped in the left hand. 

Цитата

A very brave man, or sometimes two such men, who had no fear of a close approach to the enemy when engaged in battle, always found it easy, if his arrows were all spent, to have his quiver replenished with arrows in recognition of his valor by the other members of the war party.

 

К теме юми-яри.

Цитата

Bows were sometimes fitted with flint heads, placed at the upper end of the bow. In relatively modem times 4-inch steel heads were inserted in the split upper end of the bow and firmly bound with sinew and glue. These flint heads were larger than arrowheads but smaller than spearheads, which were about 4 inches long.


Bows so fitted with flint or steel heads were carried by the young men of the village when bent on courting. They were also embellished with eagle plumes and dried birdskins. However, such bows were also carried on war parties and might be used, like a lance, as a weapon of last resort after a warrior had shot all his arrows. Wolf-chief was in doubt as to whether the Hidatsa regarded the spearhead bow as useful a weapon as a coup stick. Apparently he never heard that anyone had ever been slain with such a bow. As a child, Red-feather counted coup on an enemy with such a bow and afterward carried it in the dance with
the point painted red to represent blood. All the bows of this type that he observed in his boyhood were carried only in ceremonies and were definitely not fighting weapons. Red-feather also added that these bows were bound to the ceremonial bundles of their owners, and were in this way kept sacred.


Three officers of the Rough-woods society carried spearhead bows. They were known as "carriers of big arrowhead bows." Packs-wolf also described this weapon. If other carriers were elected, the bows passed to them.

Цитата

Culbertson (1851, p. 117) mentions bows with spears attached to the ends as observed by him among the Arikara. Cf. also Will and Spinden (1906, p. 113) for a description of the Mandan bow lance.

Сходное есть еще в David G. Mandelbaum. The Plains Cree. 1940

Цитата

A large bow with a knife or bayonet affixed to one end was used in warfare. When the enemy advanced to close quarters it was wielded like a pike.

Его же - The Plains Cree: an ethnographic, historical, and comparative study. 1979

Цитата

The main source for the following summary is Mandelbaum (1940, 1979), which represents the period 1860-1870, within the memory of the elders during 1934 — 1935 fieldwork.

 

Robert H. Lowie. The material culture of the Crow Indians. 1922

Цитата

Well-made arrows were highly prized, so that when a man receiving some dessert from his sister acknowledged the courtesy by sending back ten arrows to her husband the gift was deemed equivalent to that of a horse.

 

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Louis A. Bougainville. Adventure in the Wilderness: The American Journals of Louis Antoine de Bougainville, 1756-1760. 1990

24 июля 1757 года. Это за несколько дней до резни у фота Уильям Генри.

Цитата

The exact truth is that only the pickets came out of the defenses at the Indians' first fusillade, that there was much firing, and that the English had eleven men killed and four wounded, two of whom since died of their wounds. The Indians, however, brought back thirty-two scalps; they know how to make two or even three out of one.

Цитата

Our detachment which was in ambush under Sugar Loaf returned in succession after a most fortunate action. Colonel Parker left Fort George yesterday evening with a detachment consisting of 350 men, 5 captains, 4 lieutenants, and an ensign in twenty-two barges, two of them under sail. His purpose was to test our advanced posts and to make prisoners. At daybreak three of these barges fell into our ambush and surrendered without a shot fired. Three others that followed at a little distance met the same fate. The sixteen advanced in order. The Indians who were on shore fired at them and made them fall back. When they saw them do this they jumped into their canoes, pursued the enemy, hit them, and sank or captured all but two which escaped. They brought back nearly two hundred prisoners. The rest were drowned. The Indians jumped into the water and speared them like fish, and also sinking the barges by seizing them from below and capsizing them. We had only one man slightly wounded. The English, terrified by the shooting, the sight, the cries, and the agility of these monsters, surrendered almost without firing a shot. The rum which was in the barges and which the Indians immediately drank caused them to commit great cruelties. They put in the pot and ate three prisoners, and perhaps others were so treated. All have become slaves unless they are ransomed. A horrible spectacle to European eyes.

The detachment was composed for the most part of the New Jersey regiment of militia. It was the rest of those that we captured at Oswego. Colonel Parker commanded it in place of M. Schuyler, a prisoner.

 

Тут еще несколько похожих описаний - Francis Parkman. Montcalm and Wolfe. 1885. И ссылки там стоят не на англичан, а на французов, что характерно...

 

Memoir of De Gannes concerning the Illinois country // The French Foundations, 1680-1693. Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, vol. 23. 1934 Тут

Автор - Sieur Pierre Deliette, посещал иллинойсов в 1680-е.

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David Mamoru Hayano. Marriage, Alliance and Warfare: the Tauna Awa of New Guinea. A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology. 1972 Тут

Цитата

Once the level of conflict reached inter-sovereignty proportions, the patterning of offensive prosecution and defense is fairly clear. The operation of a composite fight sequence can be described as being divided into three phases: (1) the preparations for fighting; (2) battle tactics and techniques; and (3) ending fights and making peace1.  Phases (1) and (2) may have been repeated over and over for several years until peace gestures were finally initiated. Part (3) may not have been "formalized" every time to the extent that peace rituals and the exchange of women took place. Indeed, fights may have subsided simply because the "score was even" or the men were temporarily too tired to fight.

Informants always insisted that in pre-contact times everything was "hot." This is a common description used in New Guinea to indicate a particularly dangerous or violent activity. Men in battle were "hot"; even the drinking water was "hot" in those days!

Цитата

1. The general organization of fighting in Tauna has parallels with other small-scale groups such as urban Black street gangs (see Keiser 1969).

 

Keiser R. L. The Vice Lords: warriors of the streets. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. 1969 Тут

Для сравнения - тут.

 

David M. Hayano. Marriage, alliance, and warfare: a view from the New Guinea Highlands // American Ethnologist. Vol. 1, No. 2 (May, 1974)

Цитата

Tauna hamlets are widely dispersed and several of them are actually spatially closer to hamlets in other villages than to each other.

Цитата

There are no political bodies or authority beyond the village level to handle such disputes. While feuding between major kin groups within the village does occur, and killings do take place, further fighting is terminated by neutral kin groups or individual Big Men. Moreover, intravillage killing always involves a reparation payment from the offender to the victim’s kin group. Outside of the village no similar control mechanisms exist.

Цитата

Detailed accounts of warfare histories between villages reveal that men first attempt to prosecute offenses by themselves or with a small group of agnatic kinsmen and friends before threatening large-scale warfare. Thus large-scale warfare is not an initial reaction to interpersonal offenses. There is usually a prior history of unavenged grievances and grudges between men in different villages before each side attempts to mobilize, through shows of intragroup solidarity, all village members  to  protect their joint security and reputation.

Цитата

Assuming, because of the high rate of village exogamy, that almost all men have affines and matrilateral kinsmen in one or more outside villages, what degree of control does a man have, in killing others in small raids? This question  is  crucial in determining and examining the pattern of warfare deaths in Tauna and the possible role that affines played in deterring killing.

Цитата

Warfare deaths that were collected from genealogies and intervillage histories accounted for 25.7 percent of all deaths recorded between 1900-1949, until government contact. A greater proportion of males died in warfare than females (30 percent to 16 percent). This does not result in an unbalanced sex ratio. In  fact,  in census data beginning in 1953, males tend to outnumber females slightly. It has been suggested that the practice of female infanticide, which is associated with revenge warfare, polygyny, and marital alliance in “primitive” societies,  is  responsible for the slight numerical superiority of males (Divale 1970).

Отмечается, что "большие битвы" практически не известны. Просто потому, что регион - густо заросшая пересеченная местность. Подходящего поля, где могли бы "с комфортом" сражаться несколько десятков человек - не найти.

 

Для сравнения - в части 

Цитата

There are no political bodies or authority beyond the village level to handle such disputes. While feuding between major kin groups within the village does occur, and killings do take place, further fighting is terminated by neutral kin groups or individual Big Men. Moreover, intravillage killing always involves a reparation payment from the offender to the victim’s kin group. Outside of the village no similar control mechanisms exist.

В Anthony Wonderley and Martha L. Sempowski. Origins of the Iroquois League: narratives, symbols, and archaeology. 2019 указано следующее

Цитата

The Norton version of the Deganawida epic, it will be recalled, relates the beginning of the Iroquois League to a policy of avoiding the exaction of vengeance for the murder of one’s own. The anthropologist Anthony Wallace picked up on this as the central point of the Deganawida epic: “The strategic innovation is the prohibition of blood-revenge by members of one of the five tribes against members of their own tribe or of any of the other four” (1958, 124).

То есть - та самая система контроля насилия, вышедшая за пределы отдельных общин. 

Если у папуасов мы видим

Цитата

Awa is one of four related languages (including Auyana, Gadsup, and Tairora) in the Eastern family of languages in the New Guinea Highlands (McKaughan 1973). The population of 1,500 Awa speakers resides in eight separate, autonomous villages. Tauna  is
the northernmost of these villages that  lie  in the mountainous region along the Lamari River adjacent to both the Auyana and Fore language groups.
The Tauna Awa number 170 persons living in seven spatially dispersed hamlet areas. These seven hamlets comprise the village,  the maximal political and warfare unit.

Для сравнения - численность населения Лиги ирокезов оценивают примерно в 20 тысяч душ. Система "подавления насилия" у них охватывала в сто раз большую популяцию. И опять - очень похоже на "судебные союзы" Европы.

 

Aaron Podolefsky. Contemporary Warfare in the New Guinea Highlands // Ethnology. Vol. 23, No. 2 (Apr., 1984)

Цитата

After decades of pacification and relative peace, intergroup warfare re-emerged in the Papua New Guinea highlands during the late 1960s and early 1970s, only a few years before national independence in 1975. Death and destruction, martial law, and delay
in highlands development schemes have been the outcome.

Цитата

The largest political group to unite in warfare is the tribe, a group of several thousand individuals. Although the Kobulaku tribe is linked to other tribes in the vicinity through an origin myth, little co-operation is evidenced. 

Цитата

The early writings of Salisbury (1962) and Meggitt (1958) report indigenous notions that highlanders marry their enemies. The  Siane say "They are our affinal relatives; with them we fight" (Salisbury 1962:25). Enga informants report "We marry those whom  we fight" (Meggitt 1958:278). In an extensive study of Enga warfare, Meggitt  (1977:42) supports the veracity of these assertions by reporting quite strong correlations between rates of intergroup marriage and killing.

 

Fredrik Barth. Tribes and Intertribal Relations in the Fly Headwaters // Oceania, Vol. XLI, No. 3, March, 1971

Цитата

Through most of the area the population is organized in clearly bounded territorially discrete political units. Within such units violence is severely restricted and killing denied to be conceivable. Between such units warfare was endemic. Where there are central villages one, or sometimes a pair, of these with associated smaller hamlets constitutes a political community; among the Kwermin/Augobmin, as also among the Bimin, the corresponding territorial units function as political entities. The total population of such communities ranges from 100 to 250. Among the Minomin and Kanai political units appear to be smaller and interrelations between them perhaps somewhat closer; but the categorical ban on killing within the community, contrasted with ready violence outside it, seems to hold true.

Цитата

Territorially dispersed exogamous clans likewise create a link between different communities. There is a strict taboo on killing a clan member or seeing his blood shed - in a raid a person must turn his head away when this happens.

 

Bruce M. Knauft. Melanesian Warfare: A Theoretical History // Oceania. Vol. 60, No. 4, Special 60th Anniversary Issue (Jun., 1990)

Цитата

In a world historical perspective, the indigenous populations of Melanesia have been among the last to be contacted and then pacified by Western colonial powers. Particularly true of hinterland areas and New Guinea, this circumstance has been due to Melanesia's geographical remoteness from European colonial powers and a dearth of resources that could be easily exploited during the colonial era (e.g., Bitterli 1989:ch.7). This legacy has been reflected in Melanesia's relative peripherality in world politicoeconomic systems (Brookfield 1972; Brookfield with Hart 1971:ch.8; contrast Wolf 1982; Wallerstein 1989). As a result, indigenous warfare in Melanesia has been more accessible to detailed ethnographic study than in most world areas and has been of major concern to many Melanesianists, not to mention to Melanesians themselves. Inrecent decades, accounts of armed conflict in interior New Guinea have provided among the most detailed and comprehensive accounts of tribal warfare from any world area, and the resurgence of Melanesian warfare in some of these same areas in the post-colonial era makes the topic of continuing interest.

Цитата

These tendencies notwithstanding, the weight of evidence suggests that precolonial warfare was common if not intense in at least parts of the following areas of insular Melanesia and coastal New Guinea:
- the Admiralty Islands (e.g., Schwartz 1963; Moseley 1877; Parkinson 1907)
- New Ireland (Bell 1934 a + b; Clay 1986:192; Romilly 1886: ch.3)
- northern New Britain (e.g., Brown 1910: ch.6; Parkinson 1907:124ff., 263f., 401f.; Salisbury 1962: 334f.; Powell 1883: ch.4.; Chowning and Goodenough 1971: 150-55, 158-61)
- interior southern New Britain (Fenbury 1968)
- Bougainville (e.g., Thurnwald 1910: 115-29; Oliver 1955: ch.12, 1971)
- Choiseul Island (e.g., Scheffler 1964 a + b, 1965: 223-39)
- New Georgia (e.g., Zelenietz 1983; Hocart 1931)
- Malaita (e.g., Keesing 1985; White 1983; Ivens 1927: ch.14, 1930: ch.10)

- San Cristoval (e.g., Fox 1925: ch.24)
- Vanuatu [New Hebrides] (e.g., Rodman 1983; Allen 1981,1984; Deacon 1934: ch.8; Guiart 1956:79-85, 94-103; Layard 1942:ch.23; Humphreys 1926:54-60, 148-50; Harrisson 1937)
- New Caledonia (e.g., Leenhardt 1930: ch.3; Guiart 1963; Cheyne 1971:105-6 [1842]; Ta'unga 1968,1982).

Цитата

The same is true on and near the New Guinea coast, for example, concerning warfare for:

- parts of coastal West New Guinea (e.g. Strachan 1888: chs 10-15; Redlich 1876; Miklouho-Maclay 1874; Webster 1984: 120, ch.7)
- parts of the New Guinea north coast (e.g., Lipset 1985; Moresby 1876: 273f.; Webster 1984: 189-90; Lutkehaus 1984)
- the north Papuan coast (Williams 1930: ch.ll)
- the Massim (e.g., Seligmann 1910: chs 41, 42; Macintyre 1983; Malinowski 1920; Roheim 1946).
- the Port Moresby area of the New Guinea south coast (e.g, Seligmann 1910: ch.9; Chalmers 1887; Abel 1902)

Finally, for the south New Guinea coast, warfare in association with headhunting was particularly pronounced and well documented among:
- the Purari [Namau] (Williams 1924: ch.9; Maher 1961: ch.2, 1967; Holmes 1924: ch.21)
- the Kiwai (Landtman 1927: ch.9; 1917: ch.13; Riley 1925: ch.22)
- the Trans-Fly peoples (Williams 1936: ch.15; Beaver 1920: chs 6-9)
- the Marind-anim (Baal 1966: ch.12; Haddon 1891; Wirz 1933; Ernst 1979)
- the Kolopom (Serpenti 1966, 1977)
- the Jacquai (Boelaars 1981: chs 9-12)
- the Asmat (Zegwaard 1959; cf. Eyde 1967)

There are a few areas of coastal Melanesia where warfare is reported to have been relatively infrequent and unimportant, such as parts of the northeast New Guinea coast (e.g.,Moresby1876: 292; Jenness and Ballyntine 1920: ch.7; Webster1984) and northeastern Guadalcanal (Hogbin1934:246) - though in the latter case head hunting for ritual purposes was also noted. 

Цитата

In some casesonly ritual cannibalism of selected body parts was practised, in others whole-body cannibalism was the norm, and, in a few cases, indigenous flesh-markets existed.

Цитата

Ritualized confrontations were not uncommon in Melanesia and became if anything more accentuated under conditions of early 20th century colonial pacification, which largely precluded more unrestrained forms of conflict. In the precolonial era, however, formalized encounters often did little to preclude destructive engagements on other occasions, as some of the best data on New Guinea highlands warfare attests (e.g., Meggitt's 1977; Heider 1979). 

Опять отмечается, что т.н. "формальные битвы" - опция, одна из.

Цитата

In many cases, formal opposition was but a stage of political balance in a larger cycle where by asymmetries in political configuration led to the routing of one side, accompanied by large-scale casualties, wholesale property destruction, and political redefmition. Indeed, participation in formal conflict itself typically signified willingness to accept the risk of wider death and destruction. In some cases large numbers of dead could be carried awayeven in continuing 'rule-governed' encounters (e.g., Cheyne
1971: 105-6 [1842]). Fox (1925: 305-6) states for San Cristoval that rule-governed warfare on a regular battleground was cross-cut by 'sudden temporary war' in which 'everyone was killed and eaten if possible'.  Contractual death alliance and deception were common, and in one case '400 bushmen were killed by the people of 'Ubuna and Tawaatanain an ambush to which they had been led by treachery' (ibid.:311). None of this is to deny the presence and significance of rule-governed engagementsin many Melanesian societies but rather to point out the functionalist gloss on the extent and intensityof precolonial violence, first, by neglecting nonritual forms of engagement and, second, by failing to appreciate the appreciable amount of killing possible over time within formalized battle itself.

izobrazhenie_2022-04-12_013909845.thumb.

И, кстати, интересное о талионе.

Цитата

Huli have no idea of lex talionis. A man tries to inflict a greater injury than that which he has suffered. Moreover, the people who suffer as a result of vengeance do not accept their injuries as just or appropriate; they too seek counter-vengeance, and the conflict is unending.

Занятно получается. Одно дело - "око за око", другое - "око за око и не более того".

Цитата

Langness (1972a:930-31) cites Salisbury thusly concerning Siane warfare in the eastern highlands:

Pitched battles consist of opposing clans lining the opposite ends of prepared battle grounds, firing occasional arrows, and shouting defiance, while champions joust with ten-foot spears of palm wood. Days maypass withno fatalities, and with hostilities ceasing at nightfall or in rain and beginning again around 9a.m. the next day. In may ways such fighting seems to be regarded almost as a "sporting event".

 

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Klaus-Friedrich Koch. War and peace in Jalemo: the management of conflict in highland New Guinea. 1974 Тут

izobrazhenie_2022-04-12_025237637.png.6d

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Отмечено, что wim это чаще всего короткий (от нескольких дней до нескольких лет) формальный конфликт с "открытой битвой" между соседними поселениями. Soli - хроническая, долгая война с чужедальними чужаками. Она ведется в первую очередь с помощью рейдов.

izobrazhenie_2022-04-12_030729930.png.00

izobrazhenie_2022-04-12_030948348.png.36

 

Интересно, что автор кирасой назвал... Это? Но от этой накрученной вокруг талии фигни до "кирасы", как до Луны пешком.

Цитата

... the men wear delok, multiple bamboo waist hoops which serve as armor in battle and noise makers in dance

 

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Mervyn Meggitt. Bloodis Their Argument: Warfare among the Mae Enga Tribesmen of the New Guinea Highlands. 1977 Тут

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      Помогите разобраться с  Сирмианской битвой пожалуйста. Пытаюсь разобраться с расстановкой византийского войска. 
      описание Кинама
      Затем, вооружив римское войско, он вывел его за лагерный ров и построил следующим образом. Впереди приказал он идти скифам и большей части персов вместе с немногими конниками, которые сражаются копьями; потом на обоих флангах следовали фаланги римлян под начальством Кокковасилия и Филокала, также Татикия и, как его зовут, Аспиета. В тылу их шли латники, перемешанные со стрелками, и тяжеловооруженная персидская фаланга; за этими с обоих флангов двигались Иосиф Вриенний и Георгий Врана, также брат последнего Димитрий и Константин Аспиет-Севаст. Далее следовал Андроник, бывший тогда хартулярием царя, по прозванию Лампарда, вместе с отборными римлянами, алеманами и персами; а позади всех – военачальник Андроник со многими другими знаменитыми мужами, которые, по обычаю, всегда находились подле царя, когда он шел на войну, и с наемными итальянцами и сербами, которые следовали за ним, вооруженные копьями и длинными щитами. В таком порядке римляне открыли поход.
      Описание хониата
      Тогда каждый вывел свой отряд и построил его в боевой порядок. Чело фаланги предводитель предоставил самому себе, правое крыло занял Андроник Лапарда, а левое - другие таксиархи, которых предводитель взял с собою на войну. В небольшом расстоянии от того и другого крыла он расположил в боевом порядке и другие фаланги для того, чтобы они могли во время поспеть на помощь утомленным легионам.
      Если воссаздать картину обрисованную кинамом дословно, у меня получается следующее. 
      впереди идут турки и половцы. за ними с немного выдвинутыми флангами идет конница византийцев и в центр отставая от этих флангов составлен из турок и пехоты, вперемешку с стрелками. упоминаемых кинамом латников я счел за пехоту,  войско составляла 15000 человек приблизительно и в таком значительном войске должен был быть значительный пехотный контингент, но он мог бы обозначить пехоту словом латники? С одной стороны сочетание тяжелой пехоты и лучников звучит логично но могла бы под латниками подразумеваться тяжелая конница? учитывая что он больше для обозначения конницу нигде латников не упоминает и как вообще это слово звучит в греческом оригинале? затем по флангом следует конница , на правом фланге у лампарды дополнительный резерв конницы и в центре варяжская гвардия с контингентом итальянской и сербской пехоты.
      набросок на картинке. 

    • Пушки на палубах. Европа в 15-17 век.
      By hoplit
      Tullio Vidoni. Medieval seamanship under sail. 1987.
      Richard W. Unger. Warships and Cargo Ships in Medieval Europe. 1981.
      Dotson J.E. Ship types and fleet composition at Genoa and Venice in the early thirteenth century. 2002.
      John H. Pryor. The naval battles of Roger of Lauria // Journal of Medieval History (1983), 9:3, 179-216
      Lawrence Mott. The Battle of Malta, 1283: Prelude to a Disaster // The Circle of war in the middle ages. 1999. p. 145-172
      Charles D. Stanton. Roger of Lauria (c. 1250-1305): "Admiral of Admirals". 2019
      Mike Carr. Merchant Crusaders in the Aegean, 1291–1352. 2015
       
      Oppenheim M. A history of the administration of the royal navy and of merchant shipping in relation to the navy, from MDIX to MDCLX. 1896.
      L. G. C. Laughton. The Square-Tuck Stern and the Gun-Deck. 1961.
      L.G. Carr Laughton. Gunnery, Frigates and the Line of Battle. 1928.
      M.A.J. Palmer. The ‘Military Revolution’ Afloat: The Era of the Anglo-Dutch Wars and the Transition to Modern Warfare at Sea. 1997.
      R. E. J. Weber. The Introduction of the Single Line Ahead as a Battle Formation by the Dutch 1665 -1666. 1987.
      Kelly DeVries. The effectiveness of fifteenth-century shipboard artillery. 1998.
      Geoffrey Parker. The Dreadnought Revolution of Tudor England. 1996.
      A.M. Rodger. The Development of Broadside Gunnery, 1450–1650. 1996.
      Sardinha Monteiro, Luis Nuno. Fernando Oliveira's Art of War at Sea (1555). 2015.
      Rudi Roth. A proposed standard in the reporting of historic artillery. 1989.
      Kelly R. DeVries. A 1445 Reference to Shipboard Artillery. 1990.
      J. D. Moody. Old Naval Gun-Carriages. 1952.
      Michael Strachan. Sampson's Fight with Maltese Galleys, 1628. 1969.
      Randal Gray. Spinola's Galleys in the Narrow Seas 1599–1603. 1978.
      L. V. Mott. Square-rigged great galleys of the late fifteenth century. 1988.
      Joseph Eliav. Tactics of Sixteenth-century Galley Artillery. 2013.
      John F. Guilmartin. The Earliest Shipboard Gunpowder Ordnance: An Analysis of Its Technical Parameters and Tactical Capabilities. 2007.
      Joseph Eliav. The Gun and Corsia of Early Modern Mediterranean Galleys: Design issues and rationales. 2013.
      John F. Guilmartin. The military revolution in warfare at sea during the early modern era: technological origins, operational outcomes and strategic consequences. 2011.
      Joe J. Simmons. Replicating Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Ordnance. 1992.
      Ricardo Cerezo Martínez. La táctica naval en el siglo XVI. Introducción y tácticas. 1983.
      Ricardo Cerezo Martínez. La batalla de las Islas Terceras, 1582. 1982.
      Ships and Guns: The Sea Ordnance in Venice and in Europe between the 15th and the 17th Centuries. 2011.
      W. P. Guthrie. Naval Actions of the Thirty Years' War // The Mariner's Mirror, 87:3, 262-280. 2001
      Steven Ashton Walton. The Art of Gunnery in Renaissance England. 1999
       L.G.Carr Laughton & Michael Lewis. Early Tudor Ship Guns // The Mariner's Mirror, 46:4 (1960), 242-285
       
      A. M. Rodger. Image and reality in eighteenth-century naval tactics. 2003.
      Brian Tunstall. Naval Warfare in the Age of Sail: The Evolution of Fighting Tactics, 1650-1815. 1990.
      Emir Yener. Ottoman Seapower and Naval Technology during Catherine II’s Turkish Wars 1768-1792. 2016.
       
      Боевые парусники уже в конце 15 века довольно похожи на своих потомков века 18. Однако есть "но". "Линейная тактика", ассоциируемая с линкорами 18 века - это не про каракки, галеоны, нао и каравеллы 16 века, она складывается только во второй половине 17 столетия. Небольшая подборка статей и книг, помогающих понять - "что было до".
       
      Ещё пара интересных статей. Не совсем флот и совсем не 15-17 века.
      Gijs A. Rommelse. An early modern naval revolution? The relationship between ‘economic reason of state’ and maritime warfare // Journal for Maritime Research, 13:2, 138-150. 2011.
      N. A.M. Rodger. From the ‘military revolution’ to the ‘fiscal-naval state’ // Journal for Maritime Research, 13:2, 119-128. 2011.
      Morgan Kelly and Cormac Ó Gráda. Speed under Sail during the Early Industrial Revolution (c. 1750–1830) // Economic History Review 72, no. 2 (2019): 459–80.
    • Сеньориальные и "частные" войны.
      By hoplit
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. From God’s Peace to the King’s Order: Late Medieval Limitations on Non-Royal Warfare // Essays in Medieval Studies Volume 23, 2006.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Seigneurial War and Royal Power in Later Medieval Southern France // Past & Present, Vol. 208, No. 1, 2010, p. 37-76.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century // Journal of Medieval History 36(1): 90-103. 2010.
       - Gadi Algazi. Pruning Peasants Private War and Maintaining the Lords’ Peace in Late Medieval Germany // Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power and Gifts in Context, Esther Cohen & Mayke de Jong eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 245–274.
      -  Geary Patrick J. Vivre en conflit dans une France sans État : typologie des mécanismes de règlement des conflits (1050-1200) // Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations. 41ᵉ année, N. 5, 1986. pp. 1107-1133
       
      Также - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Violence and the State in Languedoc, 1250-1400. 2014.
       
      Сборник статей по "приватным войнам" в домонгольском Иране - Iranian Studies, volume 38, number 4, December 2005.
      - Jürgen Paul. Introduction: Private warfare in pre-Mongol Iran.
      - Ahmed Abdelsalam. The practice of violence in the ḥisba-theories.
      - Deborah Tor. Privatized Jihad and public order in the pre-Seljuq period: The role of the Mutatawwi‘a.
      - Jürgen Paul. The Seljuq conquest(s) of Nishapur: A reappraisal.
      - David Durand-guédy. Iranians at war under Turkish domination: The example of pre-Mongol Isfahan. 
       
      Juergen Paul
      -  Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
      - Juergen Paul. Armies, lords, and subjects in medieval Iran // The Cambridge World History of Violence, vol. 2. 2020
      - Juergen Paul. The State and the Military – a Nomadic Perspective // Militär und Staatlichkeit. Beiträge des Kolloquiums am 29. und 30.04.2002. 2003
      И у него же - пачка свежих интересных работ по региональной элите. К примеру:
      Juergen Paul. Who Were the Mulūk Fārs // Transregional and Regional Elites - Connecting the Early Islamic Empire. 2020
      Juergen Paul. Local Lords or Rural Notables? Some Remarks on the ra'is in Twelfth Century Eastern Iran // Medieval Central Asia and the Persianate World. Iranian Tradition and Islamic Civilisation. 2015
      Juergen Paul. Hasanwayh b. Husayn al-Kurdi: From freehold castles to vassality? // The Abbasid and Carolingian Empires. Comparative Studies in Civilizational Formation. 2017