hoplit

Северо-восточная Индия.

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Апатани.

С длинными копьями. Где-то 5-6 метров?

581b3ca5e1c37_Apataniwarriors.thumb.jpg.

Щит и копьё. Чем не пельта?

581b3ccbc4464_Apataniveterandemonstratin

На части фото копья не такие длинные.

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А вот тут, кажется, явно разнокалиберные.

581b3ca428570_Apataniwardance.thumb.jpg.

 

The Nagas. Hill Peoples of Northeast India

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Черно-белые фото, насколько понял, сделаны в 1940-м - The Photographs of Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf

Еще немного материала - 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 К сожалению - про длинные копья толком ничего нет. Только про относительно короткие.

Щиты.

Apatani_shield_1.thumb.jpg.f4fc79400b41eApatani_shield_2.thumb.jpg.acb23616e494b

Копья.

Nani_Tatu_about_to_throw_his_spear-retouP1020036.thumb.JPG.76b72e9b7d0d7962c580a

Луки и стрелы.

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P1020049-retouche.thumb.jpg.9e3f3944d098P1020104.thumb.JPG.dc4b34361280e7b8db87c

Клинки.

Apatani-dao.jpg.796129a1e5b8b619da9e0fafApatani-sword.jpg.70756f75c28b59f9161c24nats4.thumb.jpg.18f8124b2828f461fe6cca23P1020042.thumb.JPG.c294f75eea652f940e91eP1020043.thumb.JPG.eaf78f78408705053f94cP1020044.thumb.JPG.e1df22f4efec47070141f

Плетеные "шлемы".

Apatani_byopa.thumb.jpg.5c4cfa0199c9823cnats5.thumb.jpg.59cf271a206b835e573b617dnats8.thumb.jpg.fbbb223d1bc6e7602e26dd93Nyishi-hat-and-podum.jpg.c79565d5af9d4c1

Наспинник.

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Видел я их оружие и плетеные шлемы. Не впечатлился. Нет чего-то, что даже в тибетском железе привлекает (хотя тибетцев за воинов считать трудно, а их полулегендарные подвиги периода раннего Средневековья - это вопрос сомнительный и требует тщательного рассмотрения хотя бы потому, что реальные масштабы их действий не могли быть велики - они сами немногочисленны, а их противники в ЦА - еще более немногочисленны, а победы над китайцами - это из разряда легенд о Нараяме - что-то было, но как реально - никто не знает, а китайцы в дидактическом порыве это сильно раздували порой для будущих императоров).

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В 11.03.2018в23:35, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Видел я их оружие и плетеные шлемы. Не впечатлился. Нет чего-то, что даже в тибетском железе привлекает (хотя тибетцев за воинов считать трудно, а их полулегендарные подвиги периода раннего Средневековья - это вопрос сомнительный и требует тщательного рассмотрения хотя бы потому, что реальные масштабы их действий не могли быть велики - они сами немногочисленны, а их противники в ЦА - еще более немногочисленны, а победы над китайцами - это из разряда легенд о Нараяме - что-то было, но как реально - никто не знает, а китайцы в дидактическом порыве это сильно раздували порой для будущих императоров).

Меня у этой публики только способ ношения щита и длинные копья заинтересовала. Так-то - одна из групп нага не нага, не более того. Другое дело - исходники почти всех фото нашлись, и даже видеозапись военного набега есть. Книжка про них есть. Но копья там везде относительно короткие - 2,5-3 метра. А вот откуда первое, с 5-6 метровыми копьями...

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Зависит от даты фото. Чем позднее - тем более утилитарными для охоты и боя будут копья. Универсальными, если можно так сказать.

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В 12.03.2018в14:21, Чжан Гэда сказал:

Зависит от даты фото. Чем позднее - тем более утилитарными для охоты и боя будут копья. Универсальными, если можно так сказать.

Там две серии фото - 1944-й и 1970-е. А вот когда первая сделана - не знаю. Единственная зацепка, кажется, в съемке и фото апатани идут в набег по каким-то лесам и буеракам - там с шестиметровым дрыном не повернуться будет, если что. Кроме этого в книжке указано, что метод военных действий у апатани вполне типичный для примитивного военного дела - внезапное нападение на неготового к обороне противника, указывается, что атакующая сторона отказывается от нападения при малейшей угрозе сопротивления. С другой стороны - упомянуты какие-то "организованные массовые дуэли" (gambu) между деревнями, которые автор книги за настоящую войну не считает. Если эти "дуэли" это "открытая битва по уговору", то там как раз могли использовать эти "удочки" - благо и на фото место ровное и открытое. 

Но это пока гадания на песке. Нужно атрибуцию фото искать...

 

P.S. Фото с длинными пиками сделал не фон Фюрер-Хаймендорф. В книге Through the eye of time: photographs of Arunachal Pradesh 1859-2006: tribal cultures in the eastern Himalayas. 2008 оно приведено на странице 14. 

Цитата

Gambu [mock warfare] scene.’

Ursula Betts, Apatani valley, 1947, PRM

Если правильно понимаю, то фотограф - Ursula Violet Graham Betts, она же Ursula Violet Graham Bower.

 

Проблема в том, что находившийся там примерно в то же время фон Фюрер-Хаймендорф пишет, что апатани во время гамбу стреляют из луков и мечут копья. До ближнего боя дело почти никогда не доходит, при этом немец под "ближним боем" подразумевает схватку на клинках. И подчеркивает редкость таких случаев тем, что на гамбу клинковое оружие (дао и прочее) часто вообще не берут. 

Как-то странно это выглядит на фоне таких вот "удочек". Их явно нельзя кидать. И то, что они у всех поголовно - явно не идет в пользу идеи "только кидаются". =/ 

Странное фото. Чем дальше - тем страннее. 

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Березкин Ю. Е. Апатани и древнейший Восток: альтернативная модель сложного общества // Кунтскамера. Этнографические тетради. Вып. 4. 1994

Цитата

Решения советов, касавшиеся, например, наказания преступников, заранее обговаривались с участием представителей всех заинтересованных родов и их деревень. В крайних случаях споры заканчивались ритуальными сражениями, в которых непосредственные виновники конфликта участия не принимали, выплачивая зато компенсацию за убитых и раненых. Такие сражения являлись родом жертвоприношения и прекращались после первой же пролитой крови.

Цитата

То, что термин "вождество" был создан , впервые систематически использован для обозначения определенных социальных структур и, наконец, после дальнейшего уточнения, введен в широкий оборот именно в США, во многом вызвано особенностями полевых и архивных материалов, с которыми имеют дело американские археологи и этнологи. По понятным причинам, большинство из них работает в Новом Свете, т. е. в районах, где существование вождеств не только прекрасно документировано для XVI—XVII веков, но и подтверждается обильными археологическими материалами более раннего времени. Памятники монументальной архитектуры и скульптуры и резко выделяющиеся своим богатством захоронения широко распространены в Америке на таких территориях и датируются такими периодами, для которых наличие государственных форм организации маловероятно.

Колин Ренфрю первым отважился наложить разработанную в американской социальной антропологии систему понятий на средиземноморские и западноевропейские материалы эпохи неолита и палеометалла. При спорности его отдельных реконструкций, процедура оказалась плодотворной, а принадлежность соответствующих обществ IV—III и тем более II тыс. до н. э. к категории вождеств весьма вероятной. Иное положение сложилось с объяснением социально-политического устройства земледельческо-скотоводческих обществ на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке.

Цитата

- Harding A.F. The Bronze Age in Central and Eastern Europe // Advances in World Archaeology. 1983. Vol. 2. P. 1—50

- Renfrew С. Before civilization. The radiocarbon involution in Prehistoric Europe. 1973

- Renfrew С. Beyond subsistence economy: The evolution of social organization in Prehistoric Europe // Reconstructing complex societies / American School of Oriental Research. 1974.

Первую работу не нашел, к сожалению. Но у Хардинга есть и более поздняя монография... Плюс он на "академии".

Ренфрю, насколько понял, это в том числе и автор "анатолийской гипотезы" происхождения индоевропейцев. Еще статья - но пока не нашел

Цитата

Renfrew, Colin. Monuments, mobilization and social organization in Neolithic Wessex // The Explanation of Culture Change: Models in Prehistory. 1973

Он в своих работах активно опирается (сравнительный материал) на работы Маршалла Салинза. И про датировки крайне занятно читать - их, если правильно понял, стали активно делать только в 1960-е. В результате многие крупные археологические культуры были передатированы на пару тысяч лет, те же балканские хальколитические культуры.

 

Салинс М.Д. Бедняк, богач, бигмен, вождь: политические типы в Меланезии и Полинезии // Сибирские исторические исследования. 2018. № 1

Marshall D. Sahlins. Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia // Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 5, No. 3 (Apr., 1963)

Bronwen Douglas. Rank, power, authority: A reassessment of traditional leadership in South Pacific societies // The Journal of Pacific History. Vol. 14, No. 1, Islands Leadership [Part 1] (1979)

Winifred Creamer and Jonathan Haas. Tribe versus Chiefdom in Lower Central America // American Antiquity,  Vol. 50, No. 4 (Oct., 1985), pp. 738-754

Тут, насколько понимаю, проблема возникает в тех случаях, когда "полного набора" нет. В Центральной и Западной Европе "полный набор" начинает выполняться где-то с конца Бронзового века и начала Железного века, не раньше. Это два уровня поселений, явная социальная и имущественная дифференциация, различия в планировке поселение разного уровня ... При этом признаки социальной и имущественной дифференциации и (у некоторых культур) монументальной архитектуры - это уже неолит. И?

Цитата

There has been some discontent with the use of  "stage" or typological models of evolution in anthropology, and by archaeologists in particular (see Dunnell 1980; Plog and Upham 1983; Yoffee 1979). However, most of the criticism is not directed at the stage models themselves but at the uncritical use of the evolutionary stages or types offered by theorists such as Service (1971) and Fried (1967) (see Haas 1982). The stages themselves are not necessarily invalid, although they may be inadequately formulated by the theorists and improperly applied to the archaeological record. Specifically, archaeologists have tried to use the stage descriptions as magical means of  "fleshing out" a comprehensive picture of past societies. They decide, for example, that since a particular prehistoric society has some of the characteristics attributed to "tribes"  by Service,  the society must have had all the other characteristics of Service's tribal level of social organization. This kind of argumentation is not only unsound, it is academically sterile. If prehistoric societies can have only the attributes of existing, ethnographically defined evolutionary stages, then there is little reason to study them. It is far more productive to use the archaeological record to expand and revise our understanding of different stages or types of social organization. At the same time, while the cultural anthropologist is usually limited to a synchronic descriptive picture of specific stages, the archaeologist can go beyond description to the explanation of how and why social systems evolve from one organizational pattern to another.

 

Особенно ярко это все всплывает вот тут - Timothy K. Earle. Chiefdoms in Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Perspective // Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 16 (1987) 

Если для той же Америки (культуры юго-востока США, Циркумкарибская зона) весь джентльменский набор для вождеств (дву- или трехуровневая иерархия поселений, выраженная социальная и имущественная дифференциация, монументальное строительство) выполняется легко - то потом начинается уже что-то непонятное. Та же Европа - мегалиты и различия в погребальном инвентаре фиксируются в разных районах с неолита. Но часто нет иерархии поселений к примеру. И мегалитические постройки и "княжеские" погребения - это разные культуры. "Княжеские погребения" массово отмечаются с эпохи бронзы, иерархия поселений массово - с конца бронзового. И? И - ничего. "Вождества!" Весь заряд "гипотетически", "на подумать", который изначально имелся в статье Ренфрю - потерян намертво. То, что у него было "грубой гипотезой" - превращается в факт, при том, что материал лучше не стал. А уж "вождество у ирокезов в начале 17 века" - уже где-то за пределами добра и зла, кмк. 

Насколько понимаю - за пределами зоны, где вождества фиксировались этнографически (Океания, Америка), они на середину 1980-х более нигде археологически и не отмечались надежно. В приложении к Европе и Леванту - это тогда был просто какой-то "речекряк". К Восточной Азии и Африке еще даже толком не присматривались.

Для сравнения - Klavs Randsborg. Barbarians, Classical Antiquity and the Rise of Western Europe: An Archaeological Essay // Past & Present, No. 137, The Cultural and Political Construction of Europe (Nov., 1992)

Цитата

In more or less the same period we notice a parallel development in other parts of the Mediterranean region, in Greece with the nevertheless slow rise of the polis city-state, in the so-called Villanovan culture in central Italy (after 1000  B.C.), on the European continent, and even in England and the Nordic region (before 800  B.C.), with the founding of chiefdom centres, in hill country often on elevated and easily defendable sites (these "hill-top settlements" were thus also symbolically situated "higher" than the  general populace, and nearer to the gods). 

Тут все "методологически честно" - есть дву- или даже трехуровневая иерархия поселений. Есть клады, есть "княжеские могилы", есть украшения, дорогое оружие, скульптура, большие здания и так далее. Что-то сейчас оспаривается - но предметно оспаривается. А там... Не понимаю... Хотя, насколько могу судить по другим статьям, Эрл в принципе склонен к поиску "беспроводного телеграфа". Нет ни одного признака вождества? Да и не важно! Оно есть, только с анонимными вождями...

 

E.R. Turner III. Difficulties in the archaeological identification of chiefdoms as seen in the Virginia coastal plain during the Late Woodland and early historic periods // Late Woodland Cultures of the Middle Atlantic. 1986

Опять - главный признак это наличие иерархии поселений. При этом видно, что многие исследователи склонны этот список скорее дополнять, а не сокращать.

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Статья, кстати, просто чудесная. К моменту появления европейцев у поватенов было сложное вождество. Англичане оставили массу описаний, в том числе - подробные карты. Иерархия поселений, система распределения престижных предметов, храмы, резиденции вождей, склады. Американские археологи активно это дело копали. Как итог на 1986 год - "если бы не тексты колонистов, то мы бы про существование тут сложного вождества не узнали". Археологи не смогли найти "маркеры", имея карты и точно зная, что они есть. Зеро.

 

Quilter, Jeffrey, and Michele Koons. The Fall of the Moche: A Critique of Claims for South America's First State // Latin American Antiquity, 2012

Christopher S. Peebles and Susan M. Kus. Some Archaeological Correlates of Ranked Societies // American Antiquity, Volume 42, Issue 3, July 1977

В статье приводится 5 признаков вождества, которые можно отследить археологически. Насколько понимаю - их довольно активно используют американские исследователи до нашего времени включительно. Проблемы начинаются, когда некое общество, "которое обязано, по теории, быть вождеством" всего набора признаков не показывает. Частенько оказывается, что "достаточно" и четырех, трех, двух, одного. А то и ни одного, местами.

Henri J. M. Claessen. On Chiefs and Chiefdoms // Social Evolution & History, Vol. 10 No. 1, March 2011

Цитата

It does not seem far-fetched to assume that chiefs are ruling chiefdoms. However, the ethnographical reality teaches differently. Among the Northwest Coast Indians of the USA there are found a number of local communities of which Philip Drucker states that ‘The basic and only political unit in native Northwest Coast culture was the local group’ (Drucker 1983: 87). In each of these local communities were found a number of chiefs (Ibid.: 88). These chiefs were hereditary socio-political leaders, and thus fall under the definition developed above. Between the chiefs in a village, but also between the villages, strong feelings of competition existed (de Laguna 1983: 77). Clearly these multi-chief local groups cannot be classified as chiefdoms. The connection chief – chiefdom thus does not always hold. On the other hand, there are also found two-tier political organization (thus, chiefdoms), ruled by leaders who rather qualify as big man. Examples of such leaders are described by Vansina (1991: 96–105; cf. Claessen 2000a: 141–142) for the Congo region in Central Africa. The village leaders as well as the ‘district’ leaders are a kind of big men, who build their position themselves; they were achieved leaders who tried to bind as many young men to their villages as possible. The whole structure was based on a fiction of bilateral family ties. The leader of a group of ‘families’ called ‘Houses’ was the ‘father’, the heads of the families were his ‘sons’. The village was a collection of ‘Houses’ under the leadership of the big man of the most prominent ‘House’. A number of villages coalesced to form a ‘district’ under the leadership of the ‘eldest brother’, the strongest of the village heads (Vansina 1991: 137–139) and so a two-tier structure was formed.

То есть - то, что другие авторы классифицируют в качестве "бигмена" (лидеры индейцев северо-запада США), тут обозначают "вождем". Но Клэссен тут не единственный, по этому вопросу есть разброс мнений. 

D. Blair Gibson. Chiefdom Confederacies and State Origins // Social Evolution & History, Vol. 10 No. 1, March 2011

Цитата

A confederacy was the centerpiece of one of the earliest monographs in anthropology, Lewis Henry Morgan's League of the Ho-De'-No-Sau-Nee or Iroquois, and the Iroquois League also figured prominently in his theoretical work on social evolution in Ancient Society. However, the Iroquois League should not be considered to have been a confederacy of chiefdoms. Morgan characterized the political system of the Haudenosaunee as a ‘League of Tribes’, and by this he meant that sachems did not represent their nations, but were rather the spokesmen of totemic clans (Morgan 1954 [1901], I: 78). Within the league and within the nation the councils of the sachems constituted the only corporate activities. The various ‘nations’ that made up the Haudenosaunee were distinguished from each other on the basis of dialectical differences and occupied territories with recognized boundaries, but were otherwise politically not integrated.


Iroquoian society seems also to have been minimally socially stratified. In contrast to the situation observed in the more complex
chiefdom societies of Early Medieval Ireland and pre-contact Polynesia where warfare was most often directed by aristocrats, Morgan
reports that the Iroquoian warfare was undertaken by local leaders and communities (Morgan 1954, I: 68–69). Furthermore, these local leaders were village headmen who had become chieftains on the basis of merit (Ibid.: 67). Seen in this light, the Haudenosaunee could be viewed as constituting a confederacy of what Johnson and Earle have termed ‘regional groups’ (Johnson and Earle 1987), somewhat akin to the alliances that existed among the Grand Valley Dani of New Guinea described by Heider (1991: 68). The eighteenth century Creek Confederacy of the southeastern US should also be considered in a similar light, though ascribed social status played a greater role in the selection of its leaders (Smith 2000: 58). Richard Tapper has referred to such confederacies of populations lacking unitary leadership as coalitions (Tapper 1990: 68).

...

The pervasive distribution of democratic procedures for selecting leaders within Celtic and Germanic chiefdom confederacies across northern Europe, as well as in Archaic Period Greece, might be seen then as a natural outgrowth of the system of confederation, and of this dimension of voluntarism (Gibson 2010). Within these groups the succession to leadership was restricted to a given aristocratic lineage, however the successful new apical leader was chosen by subordinate chieftains and the choice was validated in an assembly. Over the two hundred year course of its existence, the Boiotian League progressed from a loose alliance of sovereign towns to develop a federal government with four councils consisting of elected aristocratic representatives. In all stages of its existence aristocrats elected representatives and voted on policy in assemblies at both the town and federal levels (Buck 1979: 157; 1994: 108).


Outside of Europe however, the evidence for democratic mechanisms for determining chiefly succession is scant or lacking. Chiefly succession seems to have followed along lines of primogeniture among the Turco-Mongolians (Barfield 1990; Beck 1986: 201). Chiefly titles would seem to have been inherited patrilineally in Korea as well (Lee et al. 2005: 66–68). The paramount chieftain of the Korean Old Joseon confederacy, the Dangun, functioned as the head of a shamanistic religion. His successors and the holders of other high religious offices were restricted to his clan (Ibid.: 76). It would seem that the only truly universal manifestation of democracy within chiefdom confederacies lay in the fact that the constituent member chiefdoms of a confederacy retained and exercised the right to withhold support or leave a confederacy if they became displeased with the leadership.

Тут, имхо, автор по последнему пункту "не дожал". В Западной Евразии (не только Европе) было много чего, чего не было больше нигде. Все-таки стоило бы уделить этому феномену чуть больше внимания. 

Heider, K. Grand Valley Dani. 1991

Tapper, R. Anthropologists, Historians, and Tribes people on Tribe and State Formation in the Middle East // Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East. 1990

Gary Feinman and Jill Neitzel. Too Many Types: An Overview of Sedentary Prestate Societies in the Americas // Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 7 (1984)

Robert D. Drennan and Christian E. Peterson. Challenges for Comparative Study of Early Complex Societies // The Comparative Archaeology of Complex Societies. 2011

Цитата

Turning to Pueblo Bonito, the clear impression given by the secondary literature is that Pueblo Bonito lacks burials that could be taken as those of rich and powerful chiefs and is thus arguably a nonhierarchical society. Again, the entrenched conventional wisdom has obscured the archaeological evidence, which includes a burial in Room 33 of the great house with the central skeletons of two adult males (one of whom died violently); the disarticulated remains of 14 or 15 other men, women, and children; 2,032 pendants and other ornaments of turquoise, shell, jet, and other stone; 48,552 beads of turquoise, shell, and stone; 1,052 turquoise mosaic pieces; 2 mosaic-covered baskets; 43 pieces of malachite; 16 ceramic vessels; 1 shell trumpet; and 3 reed arrows (Pepper 1920; Akins 2001). If this burial had occurred at either Sitio Conte or Moundville, it would have been taken as evidence of strongly hierarchical social organization (and individualizing or network organization at that). That it is not interpreted in this way for Pueblo Bonito is attributable primarily to the dead hand of ethnography in the form of abundant descriptions of egalitarian Puebloan societies across the U.S. Southwest in the ethnographic present. Taken at face value, the presence of such an elaborate burial at Pueblo Bonito makes a substantially stronger case for rich and powerful chiefs than the Moundville burials do – chiefs more in the range of those inferred from the Sitio Conte burials. The sixteenth-century historical sources for both Panama and the U.S. Southeast give considerable encouragement to visions of rich and powerful indigenous chiefs, and the burial evidence for both regions was quickly interpreted in these terms, even though the support it actually provides for very powerful chiefs is much more emphatic in the Sitio Conte case. If we compare Moundville, Pueblo Bonito, and Sitio Conte societies on the basis of the conventional wisdom embodied in the secondary literature, Pueblo Bonito stands apart from the other two cases as substantially less hierarchical (or at least less clearly hierarchical). If, on the other hand, we compare the investment in mortuary ritual for most exalted individuals in each society using the primary evidence, it is Moundville that stands apart from the other two cases as lavishing less investment on important individuals. Irrespective of whether we conclude that the Moundville burial evidence indicates ascribed or achieved status, wealthy chiefs, paramount chiefs, or some other kind of leader, it is clear that far less was invested in the preservable elements of mortuary ritual for the most special individuals than at Sitio Conte or Pueblo Bonito.

То есть - на практике то, что может показаться "выводами из данных археологии", в гораздо большей степени является "подгонкой данных археологии под имеющуюся этнографию". Именно в таком порядке.

 

Jennifer Birch and Ronald F. Williamson. Organizational Complexity in Ancestral Wendat Communities // Between Villages and Cities: Settlement Aggregation in Cross-Cultural Perspective. 2013

Цитата

Bruce Trigger has been the central influence in our understanding of the organizational complexity of the Wendat (Trigger 1976: 54–59) and Ontario Iroquoian studies more generally (Pearce et al. 2006; Warrick 2012). His description of the historic period Wendat as an egalitarian, tribal society has influenced and perhaps unintentionally muted questions about changes in the social and political organization of precontact populations. In the preface to the second edition of The Huron: Farmers of the North (1990), he acknowledges that the first edition (1969) was written at a time when neoevolutionism was at the peak of its influence in anthropology, leading him to interpret any suggestion of nonegalitarian behavior as “evidence of an incipient development towards a ranked, or even a stratified, level of social organization” (1990: vii) and that additional research conducted over the next 20 years had convinced him that this approach misrepresented the nature of Huron (Wendat) society. More than 30 years of archaeological excavation and analyses combined with a rereading of the ethnographic record have convinced us that ancestral Wendat societies underwent complex changes in their social organization. As Susan Jamieson has suggested, “it is time that we opened our minds to a range of socio-political organizational possibilities beyond those assumed and consolidated in Trigger's impressive construct of early seventeenth century Wendat society” (2011: 7, emphasis in original)

 

Юрий Березкин. Варианты политогенеза в догосударственную эпоху и подходы к их изучению // Антропологический форум. 2014. №20

Березкин Ю.Е. Археология, этнография и политогенез // Ранние формы политических систем. 2012

Юрий Березкин. Между общиной и государством. Среднемасштабные общества Нуклеарной Америки и Передней Азии в исторической динамике. 2013

Березкин Ю.Е. Африка, миграции, мифология. Ареалы распространения фольклорных мотивов в исторической перспективе. 2013

Yuri E. Berezkin. Alternative Models of Middle Range Society. ’Individualistic’ Asia vs. ‘Collectivistic’ America? // The Early State, Its Alternatives and Analogues. 2004. В русское издание 2006 года она не вошла, так как была издана на русском ранее, в 1995-м.

Интересна она следующим

Цитата

Our understanding of the middle range society is largely based on Oceanic and Amerindian data. During the last decade, there was a lot of revision of these materials and criticism of the chiefdom concept. The American Southwethst and the 2300–800 B.C. Peruvian Coast evidenced especially acute confrontation of views. The new reconstructions for Pueblo and for Peru are similar in many respects, though the former have emerged as the alternative to the under- and the latter, to the overestimation of the level of social complexity (e.g., Burger 1995; Moseley 1992; Pozorski and Pozorski 1992; Rick 1990; Will and Leonard 1994). The absence of rich elite burials and other forms of significant prestige consumption let archaeologist believe that the elite groups in the Initial Period Peru or in the Southwest did not yet definitely split from the commoners though some decisions were made much above the level of a village community of a few hundred members. The dual hierarchy of the kin groups or other forms of corporate organization were effective enough to coordinate the activity of hundreds (thousands) of workers during dozens (hundreds) of years to produce huge constructions.

Для Перу (а это одна из основных сфер научного интереса Березкина) той эпохи характерна развитая монументальная архитектура - при отсутствии выраженной имущественной дифференциации. При этом Березкин трактует это положение как "против вождества". Ренфрю в сходной ситуации бы написал про "вождество полинезийского типа". =)

 

Janet E. Levy. Heterarchy in Bronze Age Denmark: Settlement Pattern, Gender, and Ritual // Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 6(1). 1995

Цитата

When I started thinking and writing about the Danish Bronze Age 20 years ago, I found a traditional chiefdom model for the prehistoric society reasonably satisfying. There were, after all, the many burials containing differing amounts of what were clearly wealth and prestige items (Randsborg 1974); and it turned out that the hoards (sometimes known as votive deposits and comparable to caches in Americanist terminology) were also quite hierarchical in appearance (Levy 1982). There was a problem with limited representation of Bronze Age settlements in the archeological record, but it had not stopped Danish scholars from reaching conclusions about prehistoric social structure, so I decided it would not stop me either.

Цитата

More or less parallel with these intellectual developments, I began another career in southeastern U.S. archeology. These prehistoric cases share a number of characteristics: evidence of agriculture in a temperate climate, burial mounds, prestige goods, exotic materials, and hoards or caches. Researchers in the two regions are interested in similar questions of stratification, exchange, and interconnection between ritual and political power. But there are also differences between the two areas, and it is these differences that further encouraged me to begin rethinking Danish Bronze Age chiefdoms. In particular, growing familiarity with the archeological remains of Mississippian societies began to disturb my vision of the Bronze Age. Those Mississippian cultures were chiefdoms: fortifications, central places, and human sacrifices. It made Bronze Age Denmark look skimpy. In this chapter, I wish to reconsider the social organization of the Danish Bronze Age, explicitly integrating evidence from settlement excavations with older burial evidence, incorporating new interpretations of gender relations, and using the concept of heterarchy as a framing concept (after Small, this volume) to illuminate the material. I will begin with a review of the culture-historical background and a discussion of the history of research on these topics.

Очень такое занятное замечание. "Сначала я использовала концепцию вождества, потому как все использовали. А потом я прочитала, как НАСТОЯЩЕЕ вождество выглядит". =)

Еще -  Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 6(1). 1995

В этом же сборнике - Elizabeth M. Brumfiel. Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies: Comments.

Цитата

Levy's review of the settlement data for Bronze Age Denmark clearly establishes that the central places and three-tiered settlement hierarchies that information theorists have postulated for chiefdoms are not met with in the Danish Bronze Age. They are also not present in Hawaii (Timothy Earle, personal communication, 1993). Thus, while chiefdoms may have two or three levels of decision-making as suggested by Johnson (1973), archeologists should not expect to find these expressed in settlement pattern hierarchies. The implications of this for modeling chiefly power and for identifying its existence in the archeological record need some careful consideration.

То есть - сложные вождества с населением более 100 тысяч человек, отмеченные этнографически, археологически на 1993 год выделены не были.

Тут, кстати, нужно еще и уровень обработанного археологического материала учитывать. Можно сравнить написанное выше с тем, как, к примеру, была обследована долина Оахака. 

Richard E. Blanton, Gary M. Feinman, Stephen A. Kowalewski, Linda M. Nicholas. Ancient Oaxaca. The Monte Alban State. 1999

Цитата

In the 1970s, in cooperation with Flannery's project, his student Richard E. Blanton initiated the systematic surface survey and mapping of archaeological sites in the Valley of Oaxaca. Bernal (1965) previously had located more than 280 large pre-Hispanic sites in the region, reporting many of the area's most significant sites. Blanton (1978) began his more complete and systematic survey by mapping Monte Alban and  producing the only complete plan of this ancient urban center (fig. 2.2). Subsequent regional surveys supervised by Blanton and Stephen A. Kowalewski led to full coverage of a 2,150-square-kilometer area that encompasses this large valley and its defining mountain ridges and slopes. Completed in 1980, these surveys recorded more than 2,700 localities with archaeological materials visible on the surface (Blanton, Kowalewski,Feinman, and Appel 1982; Kowalewski et al. 1989). Full-coverage surveys have been conducted in two adjacent and topographically similar regions situated in the central valleys of Oaxaca, the Ejutla Valley, (Feinman and Nicholas 1990a) and the Sola Valley (Balkansky 1997)(fig. 2-3). South of the Ejutla region, Charles W. Markman (1981) completed a survey transect in the Miahuatlan Valley, where small-scale excavations and a reconnaissance had previously been conducted by Donald L. Brockington (1973). Three mountainous areas that abut the valley also have received full archaeological survey coverage.One ofthese isthe Guirъn area (Feinman and Nicholas 1996), running east of the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of Oaxaca almost to the current ethnic dividewith the Mixe (fig. 2.4 and box 4). The much larger Peсoles region covers the ridges and slopes between the Etla arm and the Nochixtlan Valley in the Mixteca Alta (Finsten 1996). This region encompasses another current linguistic boundary, that between the Zapotec and the neighboring Mixtec. The third upland area, the Sierra Norte, extends directly north of the Valley of Oaxaca, in the direction of the low-lying Cuicatlan Canada (Drennan 1989). Collectively, these studies have made the region one of the most completely surveyed areas in the world.They provide a broad perspective and a dynamic record ofhow human settlement patterns shifted in the period between the establishment of Oaxaca's first sedentary villages and the consolidation ofthe early state at Monte Alban. Carved stone monuments are asignificant feature ofthe archaeological record in Oaxaca. As of 1994 some 2,500 were known from the Valley of Oaxaca and surrounding areas, 647 from Monte Alban alone (Urcid 1994; see also Marcus 1992). Many contain brief texts in the ancient Zapotec writing system.These important monuments,generally found in civic-ceremonial contexts, provide a perspective on the ideological conventions associated with the early state in Oaxaca. Other aspects of material culture, including pottery, stone tools, architectural remains, and funerary contexts, offer archaeologists important insights into past lifeways and yield indicators of different patterns of social and economic behavior.

 

Charles Maisels. The Archaeology of Politics and Power: Where, When and Why the First States Formed. First published in 2010. Reprinted in 2012 and 2019.

Rural Settlement. Relating buildings, landscape, and people in the European Iron Age. 2019

J. Stephen Lansing and James N. Kremer. Emergent Properties of Balinese Water Temple Networks: Coadaptation on a Rugged Fitness Landscape // American Anthropologist. New Series, Vol. 95, No. 1 (Mar., 1993)

Manuel Fernandez-Gotz. Iron Age Landscapes of Power in the Middle Rhine-Moselle Region // Past Societies. Human Development in Landscapes. 2020

Manuel Fernandez Gotz, Ian Ralston. The Complexity and Fragility of Early Iron Age Urbanism in West-Central Temperate Europe // Journal of World Prehistory volume 30. 2017

Ian Ralston. The Gauls on the eve of the Roman conquest // Julius Caesar’s Battle for Gaul. New archaeological perspectives. 2019

Klavs Randsborg. Social Dimensions of Early Neolithic Denmark // Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society / Volume 41 / December 1975

Antonio Gilman. The Development of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Europe // Current Anthropology, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Feb., 1981)

A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures: An Investigation. 2000

Organizing Bronze age societies: the Mediterranean, Central Europe, and Scandinavia compared / edited by Timothy Earle, Kristian Kristiansen. 2010

Kristiansen, K. Construction of a Bronze Age landscape. Cosmology, Economy and Social Organisation in Thy, Nortwestern Jutland // B. Hansel (ed.) Mensch und Umwelt in der Bronzezeit Europas. Die Bronzezeit. Das erste goldene Zeitalter Europas. 1998

Paul R. Duffy. Site size hierarchy in middle-range societies // Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 37 (2015)

Цитата

The practice of using site size to identify hierarchical, politically centralized societies began in North America in the 1950s and 1960s, where ball courts and mounds in the Americas were also used to distinguish central places from normal villages and hamlets. Over the years, however, site size hierarchy — in the absence of monumental architecture — has often come to be used as an indication of regional political hierarchy. Site size hierarchies likely represent political centralization in many cases, but I argue in this paper that several other processes also generate this pattern. Consequently, using site size hierarchies uncritically to infer social hierarchies overestimates the political centralization in the archaeological record.

...

Many argue that the Bronze Age European landscape was replete with regional political hierarchies and social stratification (Chapman, 2008; Earle, 1997, 2002; Earle and Kristiansen, 2010; Gilman, 1981, 1991; Gogâltan, 2010; Kristiansen and Larsson, 2005; Renfrew, 1974). Others suggest the required archaeological evidence for social hierarchy is lacking in many regions (Kienlin, 2012; O’Shea, 1996:376; Duffy, 2014). After presenting some background on Bronze Age societies in Eastern Hungary, I will review the evidence for different processes producing site size hierarchies based on archeological evidence from this region.

...

The Middle Bronze Age inhabitants of Eastern Hungary are known as ‘tell’ societies, with at least two types of sites: tells, usually large fortified sites of mounded settlement debris; and ‘flat’ sites, predominantly smaller sites with much less vertical accretion.

...

Comparisons between the material culture at tells and flat sites suggest that people at populous fortified settlements were not living very differently from those away from them, nor were they controlling the production and circulation of bronze as many have assumed. Ore from different sources seems to have been secured independently by individual hamlets, rather than as ingots or finished metals supplied from a regional center. The only excavated house at a hamlet near the fortified center of Békés-Várdomb is within the size range of those found on the tells, and the diet between tells and hamlets was very similar. Therefore, there is no evidence, independent of the site size hierarchy, to suggest that political control of these areas was regionally consolidated in a political hierarchy, or that flat sites were subordinate to, or dependent on, these larger sites. The lack of evidence for regional hierarchy therefore requires an alternative interpretation for the settlement pattern.

...

In Bronze Age Europe, in addition to site size hierarchy, archaeologists often point to wealth inequality in cemeteries as an indicator of chiefdoms. However, community hierarchy and wealth inequality are not the same thing as regional political hierarchy. Viewed ethnographically, villages in middle-range societies accept wealth inequalities much more often than they accept losing their political autonomy. This is important to consider when pursuing archaeological comparisons of early forms of hierarchy, because assuming that community and regional hierarchy are necessarily linked leaves us unable to investigate the different paths to more complex societies. Does community hierarchy usually develop first, leading to competition between villages, or do regional confederacies of autonomous villages without community hierarchy more often produce the critical structures for regional political inequalities to emerge? Distinguishing between regional settlement differences and regional inequality is important for cross-cultural discussions about the emergence of inequality and complex societies. Also attempts to understand the emergence and development of regional inequality requires competent identification of regional hierarchy. Without more careful attention to the processes responsible for creating site size hierarchies, our ability to compare the ways in which social inequality becomes established and develops will not advance.

 

Kristian Kristiansen. Decentralized Complexity: The Case of Bronze Age Northern Europe // Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality. 2010

Pathways to Power: New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality. 2010

David G. Anderson. The Savannah River chiefdoms: political change in the late prehistoric Southeast. 1994 (Originally presented  as author's dissertation (doctoral - University of Michigan, 1990).

 

Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society

Oxbow Books

Understanding Ancient Fortifications: Between Regionality and Connectivity. 2018

The Megalithic Architectures of Europe. 2016

Цитата

On Pohnpei island, also in the Caroline archipelago (Federated States of Micronesia), there are again ostentatious stone constructions. The best example is the site of Nan Madol (Ayres and Mauricio 1999). In this case, very large megalithic structures are involved, nothing less than artificial islands, built with large basaltic boulders resting on coral reefs (Fig. 21.2). It has been claimed that this impressive architecture was the most visible evidence of a new political centralisation from the 10th century. The artificial islands were enclosed by a substantial wall 1.5km long and 0.5km wide. Inside the enclosure, there are several artificial islets and more than 100 megalithic constructions (Ayres 1983).

...

In Europe, we have long known that megalithic monuments were regularly enlarged, modified and rebuilt. This dynamic may reflect the continually renewed need for ostentatious display, and similar processes can be documented on Easter Island.

...

We cannot call upon direct testimonies to inform us about the social structure of the European megalithic people and we cannot
translate 18th century Oceania to Neolithic Europe. The Oceanic example shows, nonetheless, that we must consider the building of megaliths in Western Europe as an activity with social impact, not only as serving symbolic, funerary or religious ends. The Testart hypothesis hence provides a good starting point to address the European megalithic societies and their evolution through the time in a new light.

...

This has confirmed earlier studies (e.g. Saville 1990) that had argued that the duration of funerary use of these monuments was much shorter than had previously been supposed, in most cases lasting for only three or four generations. It also shows that the construction of these monuments had followed closely upon one another over a period of three or four centuries. Thus the first burials in the Ascott-under-Wychwood chambered long cairn in the 38th century cal BC were followed shortly afterwards by those at Fussell’s Lodge, then at Hazleton within 20–95 years after Ascott, and at West Kennet less than 55 years after Hazleton(Whittle et al. 2007).

...

Thus despite their prominence and permanence, many megalithic tombs in both Northern and Southern Europe may have been the outcome of “events” lasting only two or three centuries. Furthermore, in none of these regions do they fall at the beginning of the Neolithic but several centuries later: three centuries or so in the case of the British long mounds; seven centuries or so in the case of passage tombs in Brittany and Scandinavia, and as much as a millennium and a half in the case of the seven-stone antas of Iberia. They are the product of particular social dynamics that we are only now beginning to grasp. Thus the study of tomb chronologies in Northern Europe may have identified regularities that are more widely applicable.

pnas.1818037116fig01.thumb.jpg.2689a55e7

 

Fortified Settlements in Early Medieval Europe: Defended Communities of the 8th-10th Centuries. 2016

Settlement in the Irish Neolithic: New discoveries at the edge of Europe. 2014

Ancient Fortifications: A Compendium of Theory and Practice. 2016

Bell Beaker Settlement of Europe: The Bell Beaker Phenomenon from a Domestic Perspective. 2019

Bronze Age Settlements in the Low Countries. 2008

Defining a Regional Neolithic: Evidence from Britain and Ireland. 2009

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Эврика! 

Ursula Graham Bower (Betts)

Apataniwarriors.jpg.8f394d95eb56ad0ce721

Through the eye of time: photographs of Arunachal Pradesh 1859-2006: tribal cultures in the eastern Himalayas. 2008. На странице 14

Цитата

Gambu [mock warfare] scene.’

Ursula Betts, Apatani valley, 1947, PRM

 

Ее книга - The Hidden Land. 1953 Даты в книге, по какой-то причине, указаны криво. 1953 превратился в 1913, и далее в том же духе. Если не путаю - 1905 это 1945. 

CHAPTER 11. MASS DUEL

Цитата

Early in June there were rumours of a gambu in the Valley. A gambu is a mass duel, a peculiar Apa Tani institution, a mode of settling quarrels between different villages. The Apa Tanis, closely-packed as they are in their small, highly-cultivated enclave, cannot afford the long, bloody feuds of their Dafla neighbours; their disputes must be regulated or they would starve. All Apa Tani activity, hunting, weaving, house-building, travelling and the like, is closely geared to and controlled by the agricultural year, and disputes are similarly treated. For ten montlis, from the beginning of the rice-harvest in August through the trading and traveling seasons in December and January, the bank-repairing in February, the rice-sowing in March, the rice-transplanting in April and the millet-transplanting in May, quarrels between Apa Tani and Apa Tani are left to the individual to settle by kidnapping, negotiation or by other means. By about May 21st, however, heavy agricultural work is over till harvest except for periodic weedings, and instantly the whole Valley bursts into frantic litigation. All outstanding disputes are brought out for settlement and from end to end the villages buzz with disputation. Bamboo stakes appear in rice-fields overnight in formal notice of a grievance against the owner; unsatisfied claimants cut swathes in their opponents’ lialf-grown crops or break the banks of their fields; outraged defendants perform ceremonies to attest their innocence.

"Сезон дуэлей" - июнь-июль. Точнее - с конца мая по начало августа.

Оружие - это, внимание, описание очевидца. И фотографа. =)

Цитата

They were an extraordinary sight. All wore cane helmets and had folded cloths or stout strips of tapestry round their throats as a protection against arrows; some wore hide corselets in the Dafla fashion and some made do with cloaks wrapped round their middles like cummerbunds. All carried shields made of a hide oblong stretched on a frame, but they looked awkward things to handle and too light to stop much more than a spent arrow. All had bows and long daos, but, more amazing than anything, each carried an enormous bamboo lance fully thirty feet long. These cumbersome pikes wobbled with their own weight; their upper halves inchned gently backwards from the mere resistance of the air as they were borne on; and their bearers marched stiffly and self-importantly, each clinging with widely-separated hands to the shaft of his spectacular weapon. At the rear of the file were unarmoured men shouldering what I at first thought were bamboo torches, but I later realized these were bundles of javelins.

Тридцать футов - 9 метров... Хотя как не прикидываю по фото - у меня все равно получается "в районе шести".

Теперь момент - в начале абзаца у нее ВСЕ имеют минимум шлем, щит, защиту горла. В конце предложения - появляются unarmoured men. Это если тут не подразумевается, что у них кроме связок дротиков ничего и не было.

Цитата

Behind, a tail of small boys, stray dogs and ourselves followed the perspective of wavering pikes. ... Instantly all the small boys began to run and on the skyline beyond us we saw a mass of figures sweep forward out of the line of batde and disappear down the slope beyond.

Цитата

We hurried over the rise. In front of us was a cloud of dust in which men with levelled pikes were disentangling themselves from the bamboo fence of a small vegetable-garden on the edge of the bank. Duta had just charged. But there was no enemy in sight. The rice-fields were vacant and green and Bela sheltered invisible behind its bamboo groves. The rush was purely a demonstration, a look-what-I-should-do-to-you- if-you-were-only-here gesture. As we watched, Duta’s first platoon extricated itself from the fence, sloped pikes and trailed back again up the slope, and after an interval of scratching, spitting and general conversation the second Duta contingent formed itself up and executed a similar manoeuvre. Twenty minutes later they were followed equally raggedly by the Hari men, who went hopping with levelled pikes down the same sort of gentlej slope and brought up, like Duta, when they came into unwarlike contact with another small vegetable-garden. At this moment, however, the Haja, Michi Bamin and Mudang Tage forces were seen advancing towards the battlefield, the war broke off and everyone stood about chatting and waiting for them to come up.

Цитата

It had not occurred to us that anyone, even the Apa Tanis themselves, could consider this comic-opera affair a deadly serious military demonstration, for compared to war as we unfortunately knew it — or even as the Daflas or the Nagas knew it, when it was quite bad enough - this was nursery charades.

Полная победа - противник не явился. =)

Цитата

When they reached the point nearest Bela they lowered their pikes and advanced their shields and began to bounce along the path with a straddled step which, like the rrr-rrr, was an accepted expression of hostility and a formal mime of war. This lasted until the path curved back, and they ceased their demonstration, raised their pikes again and marched solemnly back to resume their station on the bluff

При этом фон Фюрер-Хаймендорф, работавший там же примерно тогда же про длинные пики не пишет вообще. Луки, метательные копья, дао. Но у Урсулы Бетт есть фото. =)

 

 

Цитата

Вернувшись в Вавилон, Александр застал Певкеста, пришедшего из Персии; с собой он привел тысяч 20 персидского войска. Привел он немало коссеев и тапуров: ему сказали, что из племен, пограничных с Персией, это самые воинственные. Явился и Филоксен с войском из Карии, Менандр с войском из Лидии и Менид во главе со своей конницей. В это же время явились и посольства из Эллады; послы эти, сами в венках, подойдя к Александру, надели на него золотые венки, словно он был богом, а они феорами, пришедшими почтить бога. От него же недалека была уже кончина.

Он поблагодарил персов за усердие, с которым они выполняли все приказания Певкеста, а самого Певкеста за их превосходное обучение; зачислил пришедших в македонские полки, десятником при каждой «декаде» назначил македонца, за ним македонца «двудольника» и «десятистатерника» (так называли воина по жалованью, которое он получал: оно было меньше жалованья «двудольника» и больше обычного солдатского). Под их началом, таким образом, было 12 персов и замыкающий «декаду» македонец, тоже «десятистатерник», так что в «декаде» находилось четыре македонца, отличенных — трое жалованьем, а один властью над «декадой», и 12 персов. Вооружение у македонцев было свое, национальное; одни из персов были лучниками, другие имели дротики.

=)

 

Brahma Kumar Shukla. The Daflas of the Subansiri Region. 1965

Там написано, что воины дафла закрывали грудь и спину куском буйволовой кожи. Плюс кожаные щиты. Вот нормальных фото не нашел - они таскают накидки и часто (дополнительно?) обматывают корпус тканью - кожаных нагрудников, даже если они есть, не видно.

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Heider, K. Grand Valley Dani. 1991

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Отмечается, что бигмен стоит на видном месте и раздает указания, но это именно указания, не приказы. Воины не обязаны его слушаться, они могут его слушаться.

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По поводу численности и структуры. Насколько понял - "компаунд" это примерно то же самое, что Бутинов в "Народы Папуа-Новой Гвинеи" назвал словом "вемун". 

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Минимум одна нуклеарная семья, часто - несколько. Обычно возглавляется Бигменом. Отмечается, что жители одного компаунда часто родственники - но это не обязательно. Люди довольно свободно и часто переселяются из компаунда в компаунд, дружеские связи у дани социально даже более важны, чем родственные.

Насколько понимаю - это единица единственная, которая внятно осознается дани как какая-то "единица" организации. Все что выше - автор выделил сам, на базе характерных связей. Как он сам пишет - даже для общины/автономной деревни (neighborhood) у них нет специального термина.

В Большой Долине живет около 50 тысяч дани. В компаунде - от 3 до пары дюжин человек, основная экономическая единица. В кластере компаундов - от 2 до 5 компаундов, но некоторые (часто) компаунды в такие кластеры не входят. Отдельных лидеров у таких кластеров нет, каких-то специальных социальных функций - тоже. Это чисто географические единицы. Далее - та самая "община", обычно несколько сотен человек. Большая часть жизни отдельно дани проходит в рамках такой вот "общины". 

Как пример - Durum Neighborhood было около 350 человек и 35 компаундов. Из них 8 стоят отдельно, а остальные формируют кластеры из 2-5 компаундов. 

"Конфедераций" в долине около 50, средняя численность, насколько понимаю, порядка 1000 человек. Число "альянсов" - "около дюжины", ранее автор упоминал типовую численность - около 5000 человек.

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Bernard Wailes. A Case Study of Heterarchy in Complex Societies: Early Medieval Ireland and its Archeological Implications // Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 6(1). 1995

Еще одна чудная статья на тему "что может, а что не может отловить археология".

Цитата

Unfortunately for archeologists, few burials had any grave-goods from the later Bronze Age through into the medieval period; most had none at all. None of the burials could be called "rich" or "monumental" in the sense of involving large amounts of labor. Thus, differentiation in burial provides no satisfactory evidence for social differentiation. O'Brien (1984) provides a critical review and analysis of the evidence.

Цитата

There are, however, small quantities of imports. These consist of tablewares and amphorae from the Mediterranean in the sixth-century and kitchen-wares and tablewares from Gaul in the sixth to eighth centuries (Edwards 1990:68-73). Although sparse, these pottery imports indicate some direct overseas contacts, at least on the part of some elite groups.

Цитата

Briefly, then, the archeological evidence is that Ireland during the Earlier Medieval period was a rural society in which the ring fort and crannog appear to have been the characteristic residences. Their variation in size, while sufficient to form a ranked series, cannot be used to claim a convincing settlement hierarchy. Settlement hierarchy could be argued for the monasteries, however, since the larger ones are a great deal bigger than the far more numerous small ones. Moreover, the more substantial stone buildings and high crosses are concentrated at the larger sites. Thus, even without the historical evidence for their importance, archeology alone would suggest some central place function, even if urban status is questionable (see above). Only the coastal towns of the ninth century and later can be labelled "urban" with some conviction, and these were not only modest in size but were an intrusive innovation.

При этом раннесредневековые законы отмечают три уровня политической организации - от "туатов" (tuath) со своими "королями" (ri tuaithe) до "больших королей" (ri tuath) и "великих королей" (ri ruirech).

При этом многочисленные форты даже не являются центрами туатов. Их в туате были десятки - и смотрим выше про отсутствие между ними явной иерархии.

Цитата

Crith Gablach (CG 45; Binchy 1941:22-23) specifies that one appurtenance of a king is his dun (ringfort), so ringforts were clearly appropriate residences for the top end of the social scale. The archeological evidence, however, shows that ringforts cannot have been restricted to kings, for to suppose that each of the 50,000 or so ringforts was occupied by a king would stretch credulity. If we allow that most ringforts were occupied between the fifth and the twelfth centuries and that each was occupied for no more than 100 years (a conservative estimate), there would still have been some 6,250 ringforts occupied simultaneously. A maximum of 200 tuatha gives us at least 36 ringforts occupied concurrently in the average tuath. Fewer tuatha, of course, would give us more ringforts per tuath. With 6,250 ringforts in operation, each would control a notional average area of 166 hectares. Since this includes all land (e.g., mountains, bogs, and other minimally productive terrain) the average notional territory of each ringfort would be much less than 166 hectares. Thus, it is commonly assumed (e.g., 6 Corrain 1972:49-50; Warner 1988:50) that ringfort occupation was not restricted to kings but extended to the nobility and probably the upper ranks of prosperous commoners (boaire) as well.

Цитата

Clear differences may be seen in the size of these ringforts, the size of the houses within the ringfort, and the residual evidence for wealth. Thus, hierarchy may be inferred in the usual archeological manner. The larger sites are usually rather more elaborate, have more relict artifacts, and tend to have luxury goods; they are higher-status sites in conventional archeological terms (and, in a few cases, the archeological interpretation of sites as high status can be confirmed by textual evidence). Gibson (1988:52-57) reviews and summarizes this evidence and compares it to the equivalent evidence from excavated monastic sites as well. Status differences are clear enough in the archeological record, but these are differences of degree rather than kind. One cannot identify the specific social grade of the owner, as known from the legal texts, with specific types or quantities of artifacts recovered in excavation. For example, the mruig f er's household and farm equipment would be held also by higher grades. Similarly, while larger houses are appropriate to higher social grades, K. Ryan's (1978) analysis shows that the correspondence between legally specified house sizes and archeologically attested house sizes is far from exact.

One would like to claim that the professional classes could also be identified archeologically, but this does not seem possible. It seems likely that those of appropriate rank in society were entitled to live in ringforts, and literary evidence may be adduced that this was the case. For example, in the epic tale Tain Bo Cuailnge (The Cattle Raid of Cooley), Culann the smith lived in a ringfort (Kinsella 1970:83). The legal texts are unfortunately silent on this matter, however. On archeological evidence, the different occupations of residents known from the law tracts (e.g., lawyers, poets) cannot be perceived. Excavated ringforts show evidence for mixed farming, and indeed perhaps lawyers, poets, etc. were also farmers. The majority of excavated ringforts show some evidence of manufacturing (Proudfoot 1961:115-117), but much of this can be interpreted as domestic production, such as spinning and weaving. Manufacturing debris does occasionally suggest specialist production rather than household production, but we cannot assume axiomatically that this indicates the residence-cum-workshop of the craft specialist, as the two examples below, Lisleagh and Garranes, will show.

А теперь предположим, что нет христианизации. То есть - письменных источников нет. Монастырей нет. =) 

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      - Стукалин Ю. Военное дело индейцев Дикого Запада. Энциклопедия.
      - James D. Keyser and Michael A. Klassen. Plains Indian rock art.
       
       
      - D. Bruce Dickson. The Yanomamo of the Mississippi Valley? Some Reflections on Larson (1972), Gibson (1974), and Mississippian Period Warfare in the Southeastern United States.
      - Steve A. Tomka. THE ADOPTION OF THE BOW AND ARROW: A MODEL BASED ON EXPERIMENTAL PERFORMANCE CHARACTERISTICS.
      - Wayne  William  Van  Horne. The  Warclub: Weapon  and  symbol  in  Southeastern  Indian  Societies.
      - W.  KARL  HUTCHINGS s  LORENZ  W.  BRUCHER. Spearthrower performance: ethnographic and  experimental research.
      - DOUGLAS J. KENNETT, PATRICIA M. LAMBERT, JOHN R. JOHNSON, AND BRENDAN J. CULLETON. Sociopolitical Effects of Bow and Arrow Technology in Prehistoric Coastal California.
      - The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare. Editors Richard J. Chacon, Rubén G. Mendoza.
      - Walter Hough. Primitive American Armor. 
      - George R. Milner. Nineteenth-Century Arrow Wounds and Perceptions of Prehistoric Warfare.
      - Patricia M. Lambert. The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective.
      - David E. Jonesэ Native North American Armor, Shields, and Fortifications.
      - Laubin, Reginald. Laubin, Gladys. American Indian Archery.
      - Karl T. Steinen. AMBUSHES, RAIDS, AND PALISADES: MISSISSIPPIAN WARFARE IN THE INTERIOR SOUTHEAST.
      - Jon L. Gibson. Aboriginal Warfare in the Protohistoric Southeast: An Alternative Perspective. 
      - Barbara A. Purdy. Weapons, Strategies, and Tactics of the Europeans and the Indians in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Florida.
      - Charles Hudson. A Spanish-Coosa Alliance in Sixteenth-Century North Georgia.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Why the Iroquois Won: An Analysis of Iroquois Military Tactics.
      - George R. Milner. Warfare in Prehistoric and Early Historic Eastern North America // Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 7, No. 2 (June 1999), pp. 105-151
      - George R. Milner, Eve Anderson and Virginia G. Smith. Warfare in Late Prehistoric West-Central Illinois // American Antiquity. Vol. 56, No. 4 (Oct., 1991), pp. 581-603
      - Daniel K. Richter. War and Culture: The Iroquois Experience. 
      - Jeffrey P. Blick. The Iroquois practice of genocidal warfare (1534‐1787).
      - Michael S. Nassaney and Kendra Pyle. The Adoption of the Bow and Arrow in Eastern North America: A View from Central Arkansas.
      - J. Ned Woodall. MISSISSIPPIAN EXPANSION ON THE EASTERN FRONTIER: ONE STRATEGY IN THE NORTH CAROLINA PIEDMONT.
      - Roger Carpenter. Making War More Lethal: Iroquois vs. Huron in the Great Lakes Region, 1609 to 1650.
      - Craig S. Keener. An Ethnohistorical Analysis of Iroquois Assault Tactics Used against Fortified Settlements of the Northeast in the Seventeenth Century.
      - Leroy V. Eid. A Kind of : Running Fight: Indian Battlefield Tactics in the Late Eighteenth Century.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Huron vs. Iroquois: A Case Study in Inter-Tribal Warfare.
      - Jennifer Birch. Coalescence and Conflict in Iroquoian Ontario // Archaeological Review from Cambridge - 25.1 - 2010
      - William J. Hunt, Jr. Ethnicity and Firearms in the Upper Missouri Bison-Robe Trade: An Examination of Weapon Preference and Utilization at Fort Union Trading Post N.H.S., North Dakota.
      - Patrick M. Malone. Changing Military Technology Among the Indians of Southern New England, 1600-1677.
      - David H. Dye. War Paths, Peace Paths An Archaeology of Cooperation and Conflict in Native Eastern North America.
      - Wayne Van Horne. Warfare in Mississippian Chiefdoms.
      - Wayne E. Lee. The Military Revolution of Native North America: Firearms, Forts, and Polities // Empires and indigenes: intercultural alliance, imperial expansion, and warfare in the early modern world. Edited by Wayne E. Lee. 2011
      - Steven LeBlanc. Prehistoric Warfare in the American Southwest. 1999.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. A History of Research on Warfare in Anthropology // American Anthropologist. Vol. 101, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 794-805
      - Lee, Wayne. Fortify, Fight, or Flee: Tuscarora and Cherokee Defensive Warfare and Military Culture Adaptation // The Journal of Military History, Volume 68, Number 3, July 2004, pp. 713-770
      - Wayne E. Lee. Peace Chiefs and Blood Revenge: Patterns of Restraint in Native American Warfare, 1500-1800 // The Journal of Military History. Vol. 71, No. 3 (Jul., 2007), pp. 701-741
       
      - Weapons, Weaponry and Man: In Memoriam Vytautas Kazakevičius (Archaeologia Baltica, Vol. 8). 2007
      - The Horse and Man in European Antiquity: Worldview, Burial Rites, and Military and Everyday Life (Archaeologia Baltica, Vol. 11). 2009
      - The Taking and Displaying of Human Body Parts as Trophies by Amerindians. 2007
      - The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research. Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare. 2012
      - Empires and Indigenes: Intercultural Alliance, Imperial Expansion, and Warfare in the Early Modern World. 2011
      - A. Gat. War in Human Civilization.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Killing of Captured Enemies: A Cross‐cultural Study.
      - Azar Gat. The Causes and Origins of "Primitive Warfare": Reply to Ferguson.
      - Azar Gat. The Pattern of Fighting in Simple, Small-Scale, Prestate Societies.
      - Lawrence H. Keeley. War Before Civilization: the Myth of the Peaceful Savage.
      - Keith F. Otterbein. Warfare and Its Relationship to the Origins of Agriculture.
      - Jonathan Haas. Warfare and the Evolution of Culture.
      - М. Дэйви. Эволюция войн.
      - War in the Tribal Zone Expanding States and Indigenous Warfare Edited by R. Brian Ferguson and Neil L. Whitehead.
      - I.J.N. Thorpe. Anthropology, Archaeology, and the Origin of Warfare.
      - Антропология насилия. Новосибирск. 2010.
      - Jean Guilaine and Jean Zammit. The origins of war: violence in prehistory. 2005. Французское издание было в 2001 году - le Sentier de la Guerre: Visages de la violence préhistorique.
      - Warfare in Bronze Age Society. 2018
      - Ian Armit. Headhunting and the Body in Iron Age Europe. 2012
      - The Cambridge World History of Violence. Vol. I-IV. 2020

    • Сеньориальные и "частные" войны.
      By hoplit
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. From God’s Peace to the King’s Order: Late Medieval Limitations on Non-Royal Warfare // Essays in Medieval Studies Volume 23, 2006.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Seigneurial War and Royal Power in Later Medieval Southern France // Past & Present, Vol. 208, No. 1, 2010, p. 37-76.
      - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century // Journal of Medieval History 36(1): 90-103. 2010.
       - Gadi Algazi. Pruning Peasants Private War and Maintaining the Lords’ Peace in Late Medieval Germany // Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power and Gifts in Context, Esther Cohen & Mayke de Jong eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 245–274.
      -  Geary Patrick J. Vivre en conflit dans une France sans État : typologie des mécanismes de règlement des conflits (1050-1200) // Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations. 41ᵉ année, N. 5, 1986. pp. 1107-1133
       
      Также - Justine Firnhaber-Baker. Violence and the State in Languedoc, 1250-1400. 2014.
       
      Сборник статей по "приватным войнам" в домонгольском Иране - Iranian Studies, volume 38, number 4, December 2005.
      - Jürgen Paul. Introduction: Private warfare in pre-Mongol Iran.
      - Ahmed Abdelsalam. The practice of violence in the ḥisba-theories.
      - Deborah Tor. Privatized Jihad and public order in the pre-Seljuq period: The role of the Mutatawwi‘a.
      - Jürgen Paul. The Seljuq conquest(s) of Nishapur: A reappraisal.
      - David Durand-guédy. Iranians at war under Turkish domination: The example of pre-Mongol Isfahan. 
       
      Juergen Paul
      -  Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
      - Juergen Paul. Armies, lords, and subjects in medieval Iran // The Cambridge World History of Violence, vol. 2. 2020
      - Juergen Paul. The State and the Military – a Nomadic Perspective // Militär und Staatlichkeit. Beiträge des Kolloquiums am 29. und 30.04.2002. 2003
      И у него же - пачка свежих интересных работ по региональной элите. К примеру:
      Juergen Paul. Who Were the Mulūk Fārs // Transregional and Regional Elites - Connecting the Early Islamic Empire. 2020
      Juergen Paul. Local Lords or Rural Notables? Some Remarks on the ra'is in Twelfth Century Eastern Iran // Medieval Central Asia and the Persianate World. Iranian Tradition and Islamic Civilisation. 2015
      Juergen Paul. Hasanwayh b. Husayn al-Kurdi: From freehold castles to vassality? // The Abbasid and Carolingian Empires. Comparative Studies in Civilizational Formation. 2017
       
    • Мусульманские армии Средних веков
      By hoplit
      Maged S. A. Mikhail. Notes on the "Ahl al-Dīwān": The Arab-Egyptian Army of the Seventh through the Ninth Centuries C.E. // Journal of the American Oriental Society,  Vol. 128, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 2008), pp. 273-284
      David Ayalon. Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
      David Ayalon. Aspects of the Mamlūk Phenomenon // Journal of the History and Culture of the Middle East
      Bethany J. Walker. Militarization to Nomadization: The Middle and Late Islamic Periods // Near Eastern Archaeology,  Vol. 62, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 202-232
      David Ayalon. The Mamlūks of the Seljuks: Islam's Military Might at the Crossroads //  Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1996), pp. 305-333
      David Ayalon. The Auxiliary Forces of the Mamluk Sultanate // Journal of the History and Culture of the Middle East. Volume 65, Issue 1 (Jan 1988)
      C. E. Bosworth. The Armies of the Ṣaffārids // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,  Vol. 31, No. 3 (1968), pp. 534-554
      C. E. Bosworth. Military Organisation under the Būyids of Persia and Iraq // Oriens,  Vol. 18/19 (1965/1966), pp. 143-167
      R. Stephen Humphreys. The Emergence of the Mamluk Army //  Studia Islamica,  No. 45 (1977), pp. 67-99
      R. Stephen Humphreys. The Emergence of the Mamluk Army (Conclusion) // Studia Islamica,  No. 46 (1977), pp. 147-182
      Nicolle, D. The military technology of classical Islam. PhD Doctor of Philosophy. University of Edinburgh. 1982
      Nicolle D. Fighting for the Faith: the many fronts of Crusade and Jihad, 1000-1500 AD. 2007
      Nicolle David. Cresting on Arrows from the Citadel of Damascus // Bulletin d’études orientales, 2017/1 (n° 65), p. 247-286.
      David Nicolle. The Zangid bridge of Ǧazīrat ibn ʿUmar (ʿAyn Dīwār/Cizre): a New Look at the carved panel of an armoured horseman // Bulletin d’études orientales, LXII. 2014
      David Nicolle. The Iconography of a Military Elite: Military Figures on an Early Thirteenth-Century Candlestick. В трех частях. 2014-19
      Patricia Crone. The ‘Abbāsid Abnā’ and Sāsānid Cavalrymen // Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, 8 (1998)
      D.G. Tor. The Mamluks in the military of the pre-Seljuq Persianate dynasties // Iran,  Vol. 46 (2008), pp. 213-225 (!)
      J. W. Jandora. Developments in Islamic Warfare: The Early Conquests // Studia Islamica,  No. 64 (1986), pp. 101-113
      John W. Jandora. The Battle of the Yarmuk: A Reconstruction // Journal of Asian History, 19 (1): 8–21. 1985
      Khalil ʿAthamina. Non-Arab Regiments and Private Militias during the Umayyād Period // Arabica, T. 45, Fasc. 3 (1998), pp. 347-378
      B.J. Beshir. Fatimid Military Organization // Der Islam. Volume 55, Issue 1, Pages 37–56
      Andrew C. S. Peacock. Nomadic Society and the Seljūq Campaigns in Caucasia // Iran & the Caucasus,  Vol. 9, No. 2 (2005), pp. 205-230
      Jere L. Bacharach. African Military Slaves in the Medieval Middle East: The Cases of Iraq (869-955) and Egypt (868-1171) //  International Journal of Middle East Studies,  Vol. 13, No. 4 (Nov., 1981), pp. 471-495
      Deborah Tor. Privatized Jihad and public order in the pre-Seljuq period: The role of the Mutatawwi‘a // Iranian Studies, 38:4, 555-573
      Гуринов Е.А. , Нечитайлов М.В. Фатимидская армия в крестовых походах 1096 - 1171 гг. // "Воин" (Новый) №10. 2010. Сс. 9-19
      Нечитайлов М.В. Мусульманское завоевание Испании. Армии мусульман // Крылов С.В., Нечитайлов М.В. Мусульманское завоевание Испании. Saarbrücken: LAMBERT Academic Publishing, 2015.
      Нечитайлов М.В., Гуринов Е.А. Армия Саладина (1171-1193 гг.) (1) // Воин № 15. 2011. Сс. 13-25. И часть два.
      Нечитайлов М.В., Шестаков Е.В. Андалусские армии: от Амиридов до Альморавидов (1009-1090 гг.) (1) // Воин №12. 2010. 
      Kennedy, H.N. The Military Revolution and the Early Islamic State // Noble ideals and bloody realities. Warfare in the middle ages. P. 197-208. 2006.
      Kennedy, H.N. Military pay and the economy of the early Islamic state // Historical research LXXV (2002), pp. 155–69.
      Kennedy, H.N. The Financing of the Military in the Early Islamic State // The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East. Vol. III, ed. A. Cameron (Princeton, Darwin 1995), pp. 361–78.
      H.A.R. Gibb. The Armies of Saladin // Studies on the Civilization of Islam. 1962
      David Neustadt. The Plague and Its Effects upon the Mamlûk Army // The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. No. 1 (Apr., 1946), pp. 67-73
      Ulrich Haarmann. The Sons of Mamluks as Fief-holders in Late Medieval Egypt // Land tenure and social transformation in the Middle East. 1984
      H. Rabie. The Size and Value of the Iqta in Egypt 564-741 A.H./l 169-1341 A.D. // Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East: from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day. 1970
      Yaacov Lev. Infantry in Muslim armies during the Crusades // Logistics of warfare in the Age of the Crusades. 2002. Pp. 185-208
      Yaacov Lev. Army, Regime, and Society in Fatimid Egypt, 358-487/968-1094 // International Journal of Middle East Studies. Vol. 19, No. 3 (Aug., 1987), pp. 337-365
      E. Landau-Tasseron. Features of the Pre-Conquest Muslim Army in the Time of Mu ̨ammad // The Byzantine and Early Islamic near East. Vol. III: States, Resources and Armies. 1995. Pp. 299-336
      Shihad al-Sarraf. Mamluk Furusiyah Literature and its Antecedents // Mamluk Studies Review. vol. 8/4 (2004): 141–200.
      Rabei G. Khamisy Baybarsʼ Strategy of War against the Franks // Journal of Medieval Military History. Volume XVI. 2018
      Manzano Moreno. El asentamiento y la organización de los yund-s sirios en al-Andalus // Al-Qantara: Revista de estudios arabes, vol. XIV, fasc. 2 (1993), p. 327-359
      Amitai, Reuven. Foot Soldiers, Militiamen and Volunteers in the Early Mamluk Army // Texts, Documents and Artifacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D.S. Richards. Leiden: Brill, 2003
      Reuven Amitai. The Resolution of the Mongol-Mamluk War // Mongols, Turks, and others : Eurasian nomads and the sedentary world. 2005
      Juergen Paul. The State and the military: the Samanid case // Papers on hater Asia, 26. 1994
       
      Kennedy, Hugh. The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State Warfare and History. 2001
      Blankinship, Khalid Yahya. The End of the Jihâd State: The Reign of Hisham Ibn Àbd Al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads. 1994.
      D.G. Tor. Violent Order: Religious Warfare, Chivalry, and the 'Ayyar Phenomenon in the Medieval Islamic World. 2007
      Michael Bonner. Aristocratic Violence and Holy War. Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier. 1996
      Patricia Crone. Slaves on Horses. The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. 1980
      Hamblin W. J. The Fatimid Army During the Early Crusades. 1985
      Daniel Pipes. Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System. 1981
       
      P.S. Большую часть работ Николя в список вносить не стал - его и так все знают. Пишет хорошо, читать все. Часто пространные главы про армиям мусульманского Леванта есть в литературе по Крестовым походам. Хоть в R.C. Smail. Crusading Warfare 1097-1193, хоть в Steven Tibble. The Crusader Armies: 1099-1187 (!)...
    • Военное дело аборигенов Филиппинских островов.
      By hoplit
      Laura Lee Junker. Warrior burials and the nature of warfare in pre-Hispanic Philippine chiefdoms //  Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 27, No. 1/2, SPECIAL ISSUE: NEW EXCAVATION, ANALYSIS AND PREHISTORICAL INTERPRETATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY (March/June 1999), pp. 24-58.
      Jose Amiel Angeles. The Battle of Mactan and the Indegenous Discourse on War // Philippine Studies vol. 55, no. 1 (2007): 3–52.
      Victor Lieberman. Some Comparative Thoughts on Premodern Southeast Asian Warfare //  Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,  Vol. 46, No. 2, Aspects of Warfare in Premodern Southeast Asia (2003), pp. 215-225.
      Robert J. Antony. Turbulent Waters: Sea Raiding in Early Modern South East Asia // The Mariner’s Mirror 99:1 (February 2013), 23–38.
       
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Modes of Social Action in Armed Combat: Affect, Tradition and Reason in Tausug Private Warfare // Man New Series, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Dec., 1970), pp. 586-596
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Reciprocity and Revenge in the Philippines: Some Preliminary Remarks about the Tausug of Jolo // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 16, No. 3/4 (JULY-OCTOBER, 1968), pp. 124-131
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Parrang Sabbil: Ritual suicide among the Tausug of Jolo // Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Deel 129, 1ste Afl., ANTHROPOLOGICA XV (1973), pp. 108-123
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Institutionalized Friendship and Warfare among the Tausug of Jolo // Ethnology. Vol. 7, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 225-244
      Thomas M. Kiefer. Power, Politics and Guns in Jolo: The Influence of Modern Weapons on Tao-Sug Legal and Economic Institutions // Philippine Sociological Review. Vol. 15, No. 1/2, Proceedings of the Fifth Visayas-Mindanao Convention: Philippine Sociological Society May 1-2, 1967 (JANUARY-APRIL, 1967), pp. 21-29
      Armando L. Tan. Shame, Reciprocity and Revenge: Some Reflections on the Ideological Basis of Tausug Conflict // Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 9, No. 4 (December 1981), pp. 294-300.
       
      Linda A. Newson. Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines. 2009.
      William Henry Scott. Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. 1994.
      Laura Lee Junker. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms. 1999.
      Vic Hurley. Swish Of The Kris: The Story Of The Moros. 1936. 
       
      Peter Bellwood. First Islanders. Prehistory and Human Migration in Island Southeast Asia. 2017
      Peter S. Bellwood. The Austronesians. Historical and Comparative Perspectives. 2006 (1995)
      Peter Bellwood. Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago. 2007 (первое издание - 1985, переработанное издание - 1997, это второе издание переработанного издания).
      Kirch, Patrick Vinton. On the Road of the Winds. An Archaeological History of the Pacific Islands. 2017. Это второе издание, расширенное и переработанное.
    • Чеченская война
      By Сергий
      Это не домыслы досужих журналюг. Это карты боевых действий и учебные материалы военных, опубликованные в свободном доступе.